Adrien Arcand interviewed on CBC TV in 1962 (English with French subtitles)

ADRIEN ARCAND INTERVIEWED ON CBC TV IN 1962
ADRIEN ARCAND INTERVIEWÉ À CBC TV EN 1962

 
Comment here, and at Bitchute:

https://www.bitchute.com/video/YXprIlrFYMCL/

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VIDEO DESCRIPTION

This short extract for educational purposes from a much longer interview with Adrien Arcand in 1962 contains urgent evidence that Arcand and his men, his Legionnaires of the National Unity Party of Canada were in fact innocent.

They were arrested in May and June of 1940 by the RCMP on charges the Crown never pursued before the Court, and they were never put on trial — They were not plotting the overthrow of the Canadian State as alleged by Judge Rodolphe DeSerres, proprio motu, and no such charge had ever been laid by the Crown.

The press and media laid the charge, indeed they trumped it up in headlines and false accusations going back to at least early 1938, according to newspaper clippings I retrieved at newspapers.com.

The papers were biased, the “journalists” lied, brazenly at times, fabricating even the fine details of this imaginary plot of Arcand to arm his Legionnaires with imported weapons (they had no weapons) and perpetrate a coup on the country.

Arcand should have sued the press at least at the start of 1938.  I don’t know of a single law suit he ever brought against the press; but in 1938, at least, he consulted the Quebec legal authorities about a defamation suit against one paper, the one that had pretended he was importing arms from the USA.

And please note that Arcand’s party headquarters across Canada, and the homes of the leadership of the National Unity Party in every province, were all raided by the RCMP.  The only thing the federal police got in these raids was personal correspondence and 6 truckloads of pamphlets, no doubt mostly The Key To The Mystery, which the left-wing was desperate to confiscate and shred.

No arms, no weapons, were ever recovered!  For had that been the case, the Crown would have said so in its exhibits that it concocted, but it did not say a word!

So where is the sense of Judge Rodolphe DeSerres saying he saw a conspiracy to overthrow the Canadian State?  With what?  Pamphlets?  Did the judge really think that Arcand and his men would confront the Canadian troops and beat them over the head with pamphlets?  If the troops had read the pamphlets, it might have done them some good, though.

Without proof of arms, the allegation of a coup is farcical.

As we can see in part from the video clip above, and this is also in evidence from the early days of his Patriotic Order of the Goglus, Adrien Arcand and his Legionnaires were NOT preparing to overthrow Canada, they were training to defend Canada from the same Bolsheviks who had overthrown Russia and slaughtered the Christians there in their tens of millions.

As of 1938, together with other fascists, Arcand and his men were preparing to defend North America and the West, against a new Bolshevik “revolution” on the model of the 1917 coup in Russia during a “world civil war” these Bolsheviks were believed to be plotting.

The “world civil war” that happened was World War II.  The fascists, knowing our left-wing leadership would be blindsided by the risk of another Bolshevik overthrow in the midst of this war, had long been perfecting their discipline.

In addition, we heard from the court in 1940 that Arcand was accused of planning to hold points in Montreal.  Montreal?  Parliament is in Ottawa.  Why would Arcand overthrow Canada by taking Montreal?

The more rational explanation for the alleged intent to hold points in Montreal is that Montreal is on a direct line to New York in the USA.  The Bolsheviks in 1917 boarded ships financed by the international Jewish bankers, Kuhn Loeb, from East Side New York and made their way to Russia, where they overthrew that country.

New York City is a very Jewish city with a large Jewish population.  Montreal has a large Jewish population.  It would be reasonable to think that since the Jewish Bolsheviks departed for Russia from New York in 1917 to carry out their coup on that country, they would launch their coup on North America in the midst of WWII from New York, but this time, no ship would be necessary.  They would simply drive across the US-Canada border, and find their colleagues from the Montreal Jewish community ready to swell their ranks.  That, in my view, is the kind of reasoning that might be behind Arcand’s alleged plan to hold points in Montreal.

In my view, it would be reasonable to speculate that if Arcand planned to hold points in Montreal, he was anticipating a Bolshevik invasion from New York, as had happened in WWI.

The truth that the fascists were expecting a Bolshevik attack, an attempt at a world revolution at the time of WWII, has never come out because Arcand and his men were being framed as a pretext to intern them at the demand of President Roosevelt, urged by the Jews.  As with the execution of Christ in the New Testament, the Jews once again sentenced their victim while using third parties and trumped-up allegations to carry out the dirty work.

It should be noted that due to technical problems, the clip above, screen-captured from the original in segments, and pieced back together, is a bit slower and choppier than the original.

The CBC provided French subtitles of its own.  I redid them because the CBC translated Arcand’s “Control of a nation by its nationals” as “control of a nation by its citizens”.  That is not what “nationals” means.  It is certainly not what Arcand meant.  Nationals means the ethnic people who founded the nation.  Pierre Trudeau, in his April 1962 issue of CITE LIBRE, uses the term “nationals” in the same sense, when referring to the “nationals” of the various third-world immigrant groups he planned to bring into Canada to give them local self-government here on the model of Confederation.

Each of these immigrant groups is composed of ethnic “nationals” from their own country of origin, the country where they form a nation.  Their homeland.

The term “nationals” is far more explicit than the term “citizens”, and Arcand said “nationals”, not “citizens”.  He was referring to the fact that the French-Canadians in Quebec, indeed, everywhere in Canada, are “nationals” of Canada, as are the other ethnic founding peoples of British North America.  They are the ethnic founders of their nation, and of all its institutions.  Their Constitution is for them; it is not for mass-imported ethnic foreigners.

I’ve written this post very quickly, without any supporting quotes, which I would prefer to include.  I’m up to my ears with the redesign of this web site; and various new features, articles and posts it contains.  I am also working hard to finish new ebooks, in the midst of my laptop dying rock-dead, and having to find another one on a shoe-string, to keep the project going.  I bought one for a hundred bucks, it’s on the way.

I am sitting here at 1:50 a.m., surrounded by disembodied hard drives, USB cables, various editions of the Windows operating system, trying to stay afloat while my replacement laptop speeds through Canada Post from eBay.

I intend and hope to complete a post or two about the 1940 show trial, and I will discuss this important video clip again, in more detail, in the new web site.

In the meantime, I felt I’d really better give you something to keep you interested.  So, you know I have not abandoned the research and book project, I am working on all of it, harder than ever.

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TRANSCRIPT / TRANSCRIPTION

ARCAND ―

One must first define what the word fascism means.
Il faut d’abord définir ce que signifie le mot fascisme.

The word fascism was used in Italy.
Le mot fascisme a été utilisé en Italie.

Nazism in Germany.
Nazisme en Allemagne.

Phalangism in Spain.
Phalangisme en Espagne.

Rexism in Belgium.
Le rexisme en Belgique.

It means nationalism.
Cela signifie le nationalisme.

Control of a nation by its nationals.
Contrôle d’une nation par ses ressortissants.

INTERVIEWER ―

You said, I think in the Spring of 1940 ―
Vous avez dit, je pense, au printemps 1940 ―

your National Unity, or perhaps could we call it the Nazi party ― would take office in Ottawa.
votre Unité nationale, ou peut-être pourrions-nous l’appeler le parti nazi ― prendrait ses fonctions à Ottawa.

Why did you believe that?
Pourquoi avez-vous cru cela ?

ARCAND ―

I was informed in 1938
J’ai été informé en 1938

whilst the civil war was raging in Spain
alors que la guerre civile faisait rage en Espagne

while there were sit-down strikes in the United States
alors qu’il y avait des grèves sur le tas aux États-Unis

and in France, under Mr. Léon Blum,
et en France, sous M. Léon Blum,

that there was to be an attempted Revolution throughout the world ―
qu’il devait y avoir une tentative de Révolution dans le monde entier ―

― world civil war in 1940.
― guerre civile mondiale en 1940.

I thought that our country, as it is, in its spirit and traditions, would overcome a leftist revolution. And we would be in power.
Je pensais que notre pays, tel qu’il est, dans son esprit et ses traditions, surmonterait une révolution de gauche et nous serions au pouvoir.

INTERVIEWER ―

Didn’t you share many of the other views of the fascists that, uh ―
N’avez-vous pas partagé beaucoup d’autres points de vues des fascistes qui, euh ―

ARCAND ―

― Yes! Yes. To save our high culture and civilization from negations.
― Oui! Oui. Pour sauver notre haute culture et civilisation des négations.

INTERVIEWER ―

Isn’t it true that in your writings, you ― uh, deny this kind of individualism by being against, uh, democracy, the liberal democratic state?
N’est-il pas vrai que dans vos écrits, vous euh ― vous niez ce genre d’individualisme en étant contre, euh, la démocratie, l’État démocrate libéral ?

ARCAND ―

We have not democracy. We have the party system.
Nous n’avons pas de démocratie. Nous avons le système des partis.

Democracy is the affirmation of classes.
La démocratie est l’affirmation des classes.

And the other side wants a classless society.
Et l’autre côté veut une société sans classes.

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French subtitles by Adrien Arcand Books.
Sous-titres français par Adrien Arcand Books.
16-09-2021

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Advertisement

Happy Canada Day! 2020 to the readers of Adrien Arcand Books! On 1 July 1938, the National Unity Party of Canada was founded

FIRST CONVENTION OF THE NATIONAL UNITY PARTY OF CANADA 1 JULY 1938.  First row, from left to right: Henri Arcand, Gaétan Racicot, Daniel O’Keefe, John Cole, Maurice Scott, Adrien Arcand, Joseph Farr, William Duncan, Stanley Chopp, C.S. Thomas, William McDuff. Second row: John S. Lynds, Marius Gatien, A.G. Smale, John Schio, Jean T. Ramacière, Orner E. Gobeille, Fortunat Bleau, François Padulo, Roméo Biaise, Jean Mercier.  Third row:  Dr. Massina, Hugues Clément, Blaise Lavoie, Louis Leroux, W. Sketcher (or Schecter), Donat Boulanger, E.C. Miller, Leo Brunet, J. Duncan, Gérard Lanctôt.
 
PREMIER CONGRÈS DU PARTI DE L’UNITÉ NATIONAL DU CANADA, 1^er JUILLET 1938. Première rang, de gauche à droite:  Henri Arcand, Gaétan Racicot, Daniel O’Keefe, John Cole, Maurice Scott, Adrien Arcand, Joseph Farr, William Duncan, Stanley Chopp, C.S. Thomas, William McDuff.  Deuxième rang:  John S. Lynds, Marius Gatien, A.G. Smale, John Schio, Jean T. Ramacière, Orner E. Gobeille, Fortunat Bleau, François Padulo, Roméo Biaise, Jean Mercier. Troisième rang:  Dr. Massina, Hugues Clément, Blaise Lavoie, Louis Leroux, W. Sketcher (or Schecter), Donat Boulanger, E.C. Miller, Leo Brunet, J. Duncan, Gérard Lanctôt.
 
Source:  Library and Archives Canada, RG146, volume 3516, file “PUNC, Montréal”, pocket 2.  Bibliothèque et Archives Canada, RG146, volume 3516, dossier « PUNC, Montréal », pochette 2.

Fascism or Socialism? Fourth Instalment of a Talk by Adrien Arcand at Montreal in 1933, published by “Le Patriote”

Young Christian leader Adrien Arcand lecturing on stage (date unknown)

 
The State as fascism conceives it, says Mussolini, is a spiritual and moral entity, because it embodies the political, legal and economic organism of the nation, and this organism, both in its creation and its development, is a manifestation of the spirit of the nation. The State is not only the guarantor of internal security, but it also is the guardian and transmitter of the Spirit of the People, and this spirit has been elaborated throughout the ages through its language, its customs and its faith.  The State lives not only in the present, but also in the past and, above all, in the future.  It is the State which, transcending the brief limits of individual lives, represents the immortal consciousness of the nation.

— From Adrien Arcand’s Fascism or Socialism? (1933)

There are four instalments to date of this English translation:  part one, part two, part three, and the fourth is below, after my Foreword.

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Foreword

This fourth segment of Adrien Arcand’s 1933 public talk, “Fascism or Socialism?” is thought-provoking.  Arcand exposes the defects of parliamentary democracy as he sees them, to illustrate a part of his motives for preferring fascism.  It is clear that a rational, serious mind was applied to the problems with goodwill.  Fascism, as Arcand understands it, is proposed sincerely, with intent to remedy these defects for the benefit of society.

Much of Arcand’s description of the aims and workings of fascism is poetic, as when he quotes Mussolini, above.

As to other points, there is evidence that Arcand’s grounds for objecting to “universal suffrage” and the liberal parliamentary system are valid.

On the other hand, some of Arcand’s reasons for preferring fascism can be countered with facts from Canada’s British-parliamentary system, inherited by us in 1867.  For example, in “Fascism or Socialism? (1933)”, Arcand says:

“Fascism considers that human law is a reflection of divine law, and that every leader derives his authority from the divine law which he is charged with enforcing and applying.  But, however high a leader may be, no matter how great he is, he remains himself subject to this law, which he cannot disobey without undermining the bases of his own authority.”

But this is Catholic doctrine.  Like promulgation (Thomas Aquinas), we have as a fundamental principle of our British-Canadian Constitution of 1867 that government is subject to the law of the Constitution.

Saint Thomas Aquinas and Saint Augustine

Albert Venn Dicey, the great British constitutionalist, in his Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, framed it as the “Rule of Law”; but it first came from Thomas Aquinas, and even earlier from Saint Augustine.

A classic Christian statement of the doctrine would put it this way:  “A stream cannot rise higher than its source” or “A stream cannot rise above its source”.  Thus, no government under the British-Canadian Constitution can exceed the source of its authority, which is the Constitution.

As I recall, the principle is found in the Summa Theologica of Thomas Aquinas.  Therefore, if one reason Arcand wants fascism is in order to implement this principle; well, we already have it.

Here is how Dicey put it:

Albert
Venn
Dicey

“We mean in the second place, when we speak of the ‘rule of law’ as a characteristic of our country, not only that with us no man is above the law, but (what is a different thing) that here every man, whatever his rank or condition, is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals.”

Normally, today — or anyway, it’s better practice — we capitalize Dicey’s “Rule of Law”.

Dicey goes on:

“In England the idea of legal equality, or of the universal subjection of all classes to one law administered by the ordinary Courts, has been pushed to its utmost limit.  With us every official, from the Prime Minister down to a constable or a collector of taxes, is under the same responsibility for every act done without legal justification as any other citizen.”

That was found at page 114 in one of the few word-searchable editions online of Dicey’s famous “Introduction to the Study”, so there is the link in case you would like to delve more deeply.  That’s the Liberty Classics edition (Indianapolis), a reprint of the eighth edition published by Macmillan in 1915.  The first edition was issued by the same publisher in 1885.

Now, on the topic of democracy, Arcand has things to say, and here, I tend to agree with him, and I can back him up.  Says Arcand at page 54:

“The quality of a statesman requires foresight, wisdom and sacrifice that the electoral mass can never bestow.  Wisdom is not obtained by multiplying to infinity the number of ignorants; but in the democratic regime, wisdom is summed up in the ‘no’ or the ‘yes’ expressed by the general ignorance called ‘universal suffrage’.

Fascism therefore has no confidence in the democratic electoral system, which always proceeds by the lie of false promises, or intimidation, or corruption, and confers power only on one class or group of interests in the nation.’

It isn’t clear which “class or group of interests” Arcand is referring to.  Perhaps he means that the mass of ignorants is merely manipulated by professional politicians who then serve another “class”, the moneyed class.  And in Arcand’s day, as in our day, increasingly, the moneyed class is the internationalists for whom there are no borders, no concern for nations and whose favoured interests totally conflict with the very existence of nations.  The internationalists discard and disregard the homelands of ethnic majorities, who have a need for and a right to them, and which are the real and only bases of existence for most of any local population.

Albert Venn Dicey, again, in his Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, shows how the British constitution with its unelected upper house and its elected house with its two-party system, tries to share power between the “educated” and the “ignorant” or non-educated classes:

“The working of English parliamentary government has owed half of its success to the existence of two leading and opposed parties, and of two such parties only.  Using somewhat antiquated but still intelligible terms, let me call them by the name of Tories and Whigs.  These two parties have, if one may speak in very broad terms, tended, the one to uphold the rule of the well-born, the well-to-do, and therefore, on the whole, of the more educated members of the community; the other has promoted the power of numbers, and has therefore aimed at increasing the political authority of the comparatively poor, that is, of the comparatively ignorant.”

Notwithstanding the laudable intent to give some voice or power to the masses in making law, there is decent evidence that Arcand’s objection to “universal suffrage” and to the liberal parliamentary party system as we know it has a valid basis.

I’m thinking now of the example of the legal fiction of “legislative intent”, which illustrates a clear understanding that a particular intent to confer (or to restrain) a particular power by passing an act or statute, cannot be gathered by canvassing each of those members of a legislature, or more accurately each member of the majority who voted to pass it.

My point being that if we cannot gather a clear and common intention to confer power through a law from the disparate minds of those in the legislative majority who passed the act, then how can any mere ‘yes’ or ‘no’, as Arcand says, confer any real authority at all.  Here’s my evidence.  Case and Comment in the Cambridge Law Journal of November 1993 (Volume 52, Part 3), sums up the recognized problem:

“Hansard for the purpose of ascertaining the intention of Parliament has been firmly forbidden, both by common law and by rulings of the House of Commons, for over two centuries.”

Hansard means a record of the debates in parliament at the time an act was passed.

“The House of Lords nevertheless declared that it is now permissible,” says Case and Comment, “at any rate for the purpose of construing an enactment which is ambiguous or obscure, or which if literally construed might give rise to an absurdity, and provided that the statement in question was made by a government minister or other promoter of a Bill.”

So, it is recognized that the intention in passing an act cannot be gathered from the majority of those who passed it; but to clear up an ambiguity, or another problem, the court that must implement a statute may look — not to the majority of the minds who passed it, but to the single Minister who led the bill.

And when a court decides what a statute means, it calls that meaning the “legislative intent”, or the “intention of parliament”.  But there is no such intent; again, as above, it’s a legal fiction.  Well then, what can you say about the “democratic Yes”?

There is and can be no equivalent process with the electorate.  There is no one person who led the “yes” who can be consulted as to why there was a “Yes”.

Even greater absurdities arise, in my view, in the liberal democratic system, when the mass of the electorate is conscripted to the polls, but doesn’t really view any party as representing its interests, yet it feels compelled to vote.

In The Universal Republic (1950), Arcand says:

“Eliminate democracy, it’s the end of the world, oblivion.  Listen to our liberals, our socialists and our communists shout out the word, gargle it with hysterical tremolos, see them roll their ecstatic eyes when they declaim it, their mouths pasty, foaming, and you will understand the importance given to this idol, this fetish of modern times …”.

“This idolatry, the most stupid of all since it is based on nothing at all, explains why political partisanship exerts more authority than a religious cult over the ignorant masses and, consequently, that the subject is more prized than things of the Spirit.”

The “elector-RAT” on a democratic treadmill.

The masses have to send someone to government, and frequently they send parties to power with whose platforms they disagree in part or in whole, but they feel compelled to tick off a box on voting day.  There is no box on the ballot stating “none of the above”, but of course a voter can rebel and spoil his vote, though apparently that doesn’t happen sufficiently to “crash” the default “liberal democratic” system that puts the electorate on a treadmill.

We are thus back to Arcand’s “tyranny of the democratic power that comes from the numerical majority”.  But, I think by that he means the tyranny of the political party that successfully manipulates the mass to vote a meaningless, incoherent “yes”.

I’ve had my say.  Let’s see what Adrien Arcand has to say.  Here’s the fourth instalment of my exclusive English translation of “Fascism or Socialism?”.

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FASCISM OR SOCIALISM?

Preview of a Talk by Adrien Arcand

GIVEN AT MONTREAL IN 1933

For the first time in English

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Adrien Arcand

Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
Le fascisme et le pouvoir	Fascism and power
Le fascisme n’admet pas que le pouvoir émane, dans l’Etat fasciste, d’une section du peuple ou d’une majorité électorale accordée à un parti politique, puisque l’Etat comprend tout le peuple. Il décrète que tout pouvoir vient de Dieu ; que le pouvoir n’est pas un droit, mais un devoir qu’on ne peut revendiquer au nom d’un groupe, de certains intérêts ou voire de soi-même, mais seulement au nom de Dieu et de la vérité.	Fascism does not admit that power in the fascist State emanates from a section of the people or from an electoral majority granted to a political party, because the State includes all the people.  It decrees that all power comes from God; that power is not a right, but a duty that cannot be claimed in behalf of a group, of certain interests, or even of oneself, but only in the name of God and Truth.
Le voeu et les aspirations du peuple doivent servir à renseigner le gouvernement sur les besoins du peuple, mais la popularité ne comporte par elle-même aucun titre au pouvoir. Cette différence avec la doctrine libérale paraîtra tout à l’heure plus claire lorsque nous étudierons le fonctionnement gouvernemental et électoral du fascisme.	The wishes and aspirations of the people must serve to inform the government of the needs of the people, but popularity by itself has no title to power.  This difference from liberal doctrine will appear more clearly later when we study the governmental and electoral functioning of fascism.
Le fascisme considère que la loi humaine est un reflet de la loi divine, et que tout chef tire son autorité de la loi divine qu’il est chargé de faire respecter et d’appliquer. Mais, quelque haut placé que soit le chef, quelque grand qu’il soit, il reste lui-même soumis à cette loi, qu’il ne saurait enfreindre sans saper les bases de sa propre autorité. C’est pourquoi la conception fasciste s’oppose à la tyrannie du pouvoir démocratique issu de la majorité du nombre, comme à la tyrannie du pouvoir personnel absolu, puisque personne dans l’Etat fasciste ne peut être au-dessus de la loi. Un chef fasciste peut, en tout temps, être destitué par le grand conseil politique de !a nation s’il trahit la charte qui a été confiée à sa direction, charte à laquelle il est le premier soumis et dont il doit être le serviteur modèle.	Fascism considers that human law is a reflection of divine law, and that every leader derives his authority from the divine law which he is charged with enforcing and applying.  But, however high a leader may be, no matter how great he is, he remains himself subject to this law, which he cannot disobey without undermining the bases of his own authority.  This is why the fascist conception is as opposed to the tyranny of the democratic power that comes from the numerical majority, as it is to the tyranny of absolute personal power, since nobody in the fascist State can be above the law.  A fascist leader may, at any time, be dismissed by the great political council of the nation if he betrays the charter entrusted to his direction, a charter to which he is the first to be subject and of which he must be the model servant.
Qui doit décider la forme de gouvernement que l’Etat doit adopter, pour amener un régime fasciste ? A cette question nous répondons: quiconque est, en réalité, au moment du choix, l’autorité effective. Si une autorité nominale cesse de fonctionner*, une autorité réelle doit être mise à sa place.	Who should decide what form of government the State should adopt to bring about a fascist regime?  To this question, we reply:  whoever is, in reality, at the moment of the choice, the effective authority.  If a nominal authority ceases to function*, a real authority must be put in its place.
Le fascisme et l’Etat	Fascism and the State
Il suffira de donner la définition que Mussolini fait de l’État, définition identique à celle d’Hitler, pour savoir quelle conception s’en fait le fascisme.	It will suffice to give Mussolini’s definition of the State, identical to Hitler’s definition, to know how fascism conceives it.
L’État tel que le fascisme le conçoit, dit Mussolini, est une entité spirituelle et morale, parce qu’il incarne l’organisme politique, juridique et économique de la nation, et cet organisme, tant dans sa création que dans son développement, est une manifestation de l’esprit de la nation.  L’État n’est pas seulement le garant de la sécurité intérieure, mais il est aussi le gardien et le transmetteur de l’Esprit du Peuple, et cet esprit a été élaboré à travers les âges par sa langue, par ses	The State as fascism conceives it, says Mussolini, is a spiritual and moral entity, because it embodies the political, legal and economic organism of the nation, and this organism, both in its creation and its development, is a manifestation of the spirit of the nation. The State is not only the guarantor of internal security, but it also is the guardian and transmitter of the Spirit of the People, and this spirit has been elaborated throughout the ages through its language, its
__________ * Note de la traductrice:  “Si une autorité nominale cesse de fonctionner, une autorité réelle doit être mise à sa place.”  Il s’agit d’une déclaration que je garde à l’esprit lorsque je lis qu’Arcand a été accusé de vouloir renverser le gouvernement canadien.  Connaissant le respect religieux d’Arcand pour l’autorité légalement constituée, et son mépris pour la révolution, je pense que tout projet en dehors des élections qu’il aurait pu entretenir pour remplacer le gouvernement fédéral, s’il y en avait, aurait été lié à une risque d’invasion pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.  Dans ce cas, il aurait fort bien pu être prêt à maintenir le pays à flot en «remplaçant» «l’autorité nominale» qui aurait cessé de fonctionner en raison d’une invasion étrangère.  Mais, bien sûr, Arcand n’a jamais eu de procès, donc nous ne savons pas si c’est ainsi qu’il aurait pu s’expliquer.	__________ * Translator’s note:  “If a nominal authority ceases to function, a real authority must be put in its place.”  This is a statement that I keep in mind when reading that Arcand was accused of intending to overthrow the Canadian government.  Knowing Arcand’s religious respect for lawfully constituted authority, and his contempt for revolution, I would think that any plans outside of election that he may have entertained for replacing the federal government, if such plans there were, would have been connected with a war-time risk of invasion during WWII.  In that case, he might well have intended to be ready to keep the country afloat by “replacing” the “nominal authority” that might have ceased to function due to foreign invasion.  But, of course, Arcand never had a trial, so we don’t know if that’s how he might have explained himself.
[46]	[46]

Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
coutumes et par sa foi. L’Etat ne vit pas seulement dans 1e présent, mais aussi dans le passé et, pardessus tout, dan l’avenir. C’est l’Etat qui, transcendant les brèves limites de vies individuelles, représente la conscience immortelle de 1 nation”.	customs and its faith.  The State lives not only in the present, but also in the past and, above all, in the future.  It is the State which, transcending the brief limits of individual lives, represents the immortal consciousness of the nation.
En un mot, le fascisme considère que nos ancêtres on été nos coopérateurs pour établir le pays dans lequel nou vivons et que nous devons, à notre tour, coopérer avec nos descendants.  L’Etat fasciste est donc un Etat avant tout traditionnaliste, qui fait de la tradition son guide vers la réalisation des aspirations nationales. C’est pour cela que, sans prescrire aucune forme particulière de gouvernement, le fascisme cherche à éviter les défauts de la démocratie, en préférant les intérêts PERMANENTS de la nation et l’incorporation de ses traditions et ses aspirations ETHNOLOGIQUES à n’importe quelle sorte d’agitation politique TEMPORAIRE.  En somme, le fascisme préfère l’ethnocratie à la démocratie.  Le gouvernement de l’Etat fasciste cherche constamment à réaliser les intérêts suprêmes de la nation, tels que confirmé par une large consultation des opinions EXPERTES, à déterminer le peuple, à toujours étudier et défendre l’intérêt national primordial et, s’il est nécessaire, à lui faire faire des sacrifices temporaires en vue d’obtenir des avantages plus durables.	In a word, fascism considers that our ancestors were our cooperators in establishing the country in which we live and that we, in turn, must cooperate with our descendants.  The Fascist State is therefore above all a traditionalist State, and makes tradition its guide toward the realization of national aspirations.  This is why, without prescribing any particular form of government, fascism seeks to avoid the defects of democracy, by preferring the PERMANENT interests of the nation and the incorporation of its traditions and its ETHNOLOGICAL aspirations, to any sort of TEMPORARY political turmoil.  In sum, fascism prefers ethnocracy to democracy.  The government of the fascist State constantly seeks to realize the supreme interests of the nation, as confirmed by a wide consultation of EXPERT opinions, to keep the people determined always to consider and defend the overriding national interest and, if necessary, cause them to make temporary sacrifices to obtain more lasting benefits.
Le fascisme et la religion	Fascism and religion
Le fascisme est une formule de redressement politique, social et économique, et il ne croit pas que l’on puisse opérer ce redressement sans tenir compte des racines profondes de la civilisation occidentale.  Cette civilisation millénaire est la civilisation chrétienne.  Elle a pour inspiratrice et pour guide la religion chrétienne, formatrice des individus.  Comme les individus qui composent la nation doivent vivre suivant les principes de leur formation religieuse, il est indispensable que l’Etat coopère étroitement avec la religion.  Hitler est le gouvernant qui est allé le plus loin, à ce sujet.  Dans sa première déclaration officielle comme chancelier, à Potsdam, il posai le principe politique suivant :  “Le gouvernement de La Nouvelle Allemagne est persuadé que la religion est la seule base de toute morale, de l’instinct de famille, du peuple et de l’Etat et il la défendra”.  C’est pourquoi, dans son programme déclaré intangible pour toujours, Hitler a fait insérer le principe que l’Etat doit être positivement chrétien, qu’il n’a pas le droit d’être neutre ou même indifférent et que, dans toutes ses législations, il doit non seulement éviter de venir en conflit avec la religion mais doit donner aux lois une attitude positive pour faciliter l’accomplissement des enseignements de la religion.  Le fascisme exige que l’instruction et l’éducation soient con-	Fascism is a formula for political, social and economic recovery, and it does not believe that this recovery can be carried out without taking into account the deep roots of Western civilization.  This millennial civilization is Christian civilization.  Its inspiration and guide is the Christian religion, the trainer of individuals.  As the individuals who make up the nation must live according to the principles of their religious training, it is essential that the state cooperate closely with religion.  Hitler is the ruler who has gone the farthest on this subject.  In his first official declaration as Chancellor, at Potsdam, he laid down the following political principle:  “The government of New Germany is convinced that religion is the only foundation of all morality, of the family instinct, of the people and of the State, and it will defend it”.  That is why, in his program declared intangible forever, Hitler inserted the principle that the State must be positively Christian, that it has no right to be neutral or even indifferent, and that in all its legislation it must not only avoid coming into conflict with religion but must confer upon the laws a positive attitude to facilitate the fulfillment of the teachings of religion.  Fascism demands that instruction and education be con-
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
fessionnelles, à tous les stages. Le fascisme reconnaît que la religion est la dépositaire, la gardienne et l’interprète de la morale. Le fascisme, et la constitution de Potsdam le définit clairement, est le premier défenseur et soutien de la religion. Le fascisme répudie entièrement le rêve de l’homme divinisé et du paradis sur terre, rêve issu de la Révolution de 1789, et il veut imposer un retour aux principes de la pure tradition chrétienne. Et quand nous parlons de tradition chrétienne, il n’est aucunement question de ce qu’on pourrait appeler la bigoterie, le cléricalisme ou le puritanisme, puisque l’Etat est une forme de pouvoir purement laïque.	fessional at all stages.  Fascism recognizes that religion is the custodian, guardian and interpreter of morality.  Fascism, and the constitution of Potsdam clearly defines it, is the first defender and supporter of religion.  Fascism utterly repudiates the dream of deified man and paradise on earth, a dream from the Revolution of 1789, and it wants to impose a return to the principles of pure Christian tradition.  And when we speak of Christian tradition, there is no question of what might be called bigotry, clericalism, or puritanism, since the State is a form of purely secular power.
Le fascisme et l’individu	Fascism and the individual
Le fascisme décrète, contrairement au socialisme libéra!, que les individus sont naturellement inégaux.  En vertu de ce principe, l’organisation sociale ne peut plus être individualiste; elle est entièrement sociale.  L’individualisme est un crime qui est puni suivant les maux qu’il occasionne.  L’individu, dans l’Etat fasciste, appartient à la classe à laquelle il est normalement dévolu par naissance, atavisme, éducation, aptitude et avancement personnel.  Cependant, l’individu n’est pas abandonné à ses propres ressources, mais encadré et soutenu par des organisations corporatives.	Fascism decrees, unlike liberal socialism, that individuals are naturally unequal.  By virtue of this principle, social organization can no longer be individualistic; it is entirely social.  Individualism is a crime that is punished according to the harm it causes.  The individual, in the fascist State, belongs to the class to which he is normally devoted by birth, atavism, education, aptitude, and personal advancement.  However, the individual is not abandoned to his own resources, but given a framework and supported by corporate organizations.
Le travail est considéré par le fascisme comme un devoir social obligatoire pour tous les individus. Il ne tolère pas plus les paresseux riches que les paresseux pauvres. Et, dans tout ce qu’il fait, l’individu n’a pas le droit de s’occuper seulement de lui-même; il doit aussi s’occuper des autres. L’individu doit subordonner ses intérêts personnels à ceux du bien général et à ceux de l’Etat qui exerce l’autorité nécessaire. Il n’est pas seulement une unité indépendante, dans la nation, mais membre d’une communauté pour le bonheur présent et futur de laquelle il porte de graves responsabilités. Il peut, et même il doit avoir des intérêts personnels, mais il ne doit pas chercher son avantage dans une direction opposée à celle du bien commun. Il doit donc agir dans un esprit corporatif et patriotique. Sa vie, dans la société, doit se modeler sur les devoirs de sa vie individuelle dans sa famille, qui est naturellement corporative, guidée par une autorité permanente et stable, et dont l’Etat se fait le plus ferme soutien et défenseur. L’Etat considère la nation comme la grande famille nationale, extension de la petite famille, et il se fait le défenseur naturel de la grande et de la petite famille.	Work is considered by fascism as a compulsory social duty for all individuals.  It tolerates the lazy rich no more than the lazy poor.  And, in all that he does, the individual has no right to care only for himself; he must also take care of others.  The individual must subordinate his personal interests to those of the general good and to those of the State which exercises the necessary authority.  He is not only an independent unit in the nation, but a member of a community for whose present and future happiness he bears grave responsibilities.  He may, and even must, have personal interests, but he must not seek his advantage in a direction opposite to that of the common good.  He must act in a corporate and patriotic spirit.  His life in society must be modeled on the duties of his individual life in his family, which is naturally corporate, guided by a permanent and stable authority, and of which the State is the strongest supporter and defender.  The State considers the nation as the great national family, the extension of the small family, and it is the natural defender of both the great and the small family.
Cette doctrine faisait écrire à Harold-E. Goad, M.A., qui a particulièrement étudié la question : “Le principe fasciste, c’est le principe chrétien. Le fascisme forme un tout logique et n’est pas, comme on le prétend, un assemblage de théories	This doctrine caused Harold E. Goad, M.A., who has particularly studied the question, to write:  “The fascist principle is the Christian principle.  Fascism forms a logical whole and is not, as it is claimed, an assemblage of different theories.
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
différentes. C’est le principe chrétien parce qu’il astreint tout homme à accomplir son devoir envers son prochain. Le socialisme priverait l’individu du privilège de la charité, en rendant toute personne indépendante de son voisin, et dépendant seulement de l’Etat”.	It is the Christian principle because it compels every man to fulfill his duty to his neighbor.  Socialism would deprive the individual of the privilege of charity, by rendering every person independent of his neighbor, and only dependent on the State.”
Le fascisme et les classes sociales	Fascism and social classes
Le fascisme combat avec acharnement la lutte des classe sociales, suscitée par le libéralisme et avivée par le socialisme et il prend les moyens législatifs et économiques voulus pou la faire cesser. Il considère que toutes les classes sociales son nécessaires et que, au lieu d’être naturellement antagonistes elles se complètent les unes les autres.	Fascism fiercely combats the struggle of the social classes stirred up by liberalism and enlivened by socialism, and takes the necessary legislative and economic measures to put an end to it.  It considers that all the social classes are necessary and that, instead of being naturally antagonistic, they complement each other.
Il faut admettre l’inégalité des classes comme des individus, conséquence de l’inégalité naturelle, loi fondamentale de 1a nature.  Comme les roues d’un même rouage d’horlogerie, le différentes classes doivent fonctionner suivant un rythm coordonné, dans un mouvement d’ensemble, suivant un ordre et une harmonie qui assurent l’avancement et le progrès de toute la nation.  Chaque classe accomplit sa fonction, dan l’organisme social; chaque classe a ses devoirs et ses droit propres qui forment sa tradition.  À la haine de classe socialiste, comme à la tyrannie de classe du capitalisme, le fascisme oppose une solidarité sociale basée sur une juste répartitioi des droits et des devoirs. Dans chaque classe, le fascisme reconnaît des hiérarchies, des élites personnelles et responsables.	We must admit the inequality of the classes as of individuals, a consequence of natural inequality, the fundamental law of nature.  Like the wheels of the same clockwork, the different classes must function according to a coordinated rhythm, in an overall movement, according to an order and a harmony which ensure the advancement and progress of the whole nation.  Each class performs its function in the social organism; each class has its own duties and its own rights which form its tradition.  To socialist class hatred, as to the class tyranny of capitalism, fascism opposes social solidarity based on the just distribution of rights and duties.  Within each class, fascism recognizes hierarchies, personal and responsible elites.
Le fascisme répudie le socialisme et accepte la doctrine sociale chrétienne.  Il l’applique, suivant un mode corporatif.  Tout, dans le fascisme, est basé sur cette idée corporative mettant chaque aptitude et chaque compétence à sa place normale, comme dans une corporation industrielle ordinaire, avec cette différence que, plus un chef a d’influence et de puissance plus nombreux sont ses devoirs et plus rigoureux sont les comptes que l’Etat exige de lui.	Fascism repudiates socialism and accepts Christian social doctrine.  It applies it in a corporate fashion.  Everything in fascism is based on this corporate idea putting each aptitude and each skill in its normal place, as in an ordinary industrial corporation, with the difference that the more influence a leader has, the more numerous his duties are, and the more rigorous is the accounting that the State requires of him.
Le fascisme et le droit de propriété	Fascism and property rights
Le droit de propriété est sacré, dans l’Etat fasciste. Cependant, puisqu’il est reconnu comme, un droit, il comporte des devoirs.  Si le socialisme prêche que “la propriété, c’est le vol”; si le libéralisme proclame que “tout individu peut indistinctement faire ce qu’il veut avec ce qu’il possède”, le fascisme proclame que la propriété privée est un dépôt que l’individu peut posséder et transmettre à ses héritiers sans taxe immodérée sur le capital, POURVU qu’il fasse un usage raisonnable de son privilège et qu’il le développe à sa capacité	The right of ownership is sacred in the fascist State.  However, since it is recognized as a right, it carries duties.  If socialism preaches “property is theft”; if liberalism proclaims that “every individual can indiscriminately do what he wants with what he possesses,” fascism proclaims that private property is a deposit that the individual can possess and transmit to his heirs without immoderate taxes on the capital, PROVIDING that he makes reasonable use of his privilege and that he develops it to the best of his ability
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
maximum, pour l’interêt commun en même temps que le sien, cette part du sol national ou de capital ou d’industrie qui est laissée entre ses mains.	for the common good at the same time as his own, this share of the national soil or capital or industry that is left in his hands.
Le fascisme décrète qu’aucun homme n’a le droit de laisser une portion de bonne terre improductive pour de seules fins égoïstes de sport ou de plaisir; encore moins qu’un individu puisse appauvrir ses propriétés en les déboisant sans besoin ou en y occasionnant des foyers malsains par négligence de les drainer. Aucun propriétaire n’a le droit de laisser des maisons habitables tomber en ruines; s’il n’a pas le moyen de tenir sa propriété en bon état, le propriétaire doit la vendre, ou l’Etat se charge de la développer pour lui, moyennant rémunération. L’inertie ou la négligence de produire est considérée inexcusable pour tout possesseur de capitaux. Chaque fois qu’un possesseur de capitaux fait preuve de négligence ou d’incapacité, l’Etat fasciste prend charge de ce qu’il a. Personne n’a le droit de démolir une construction magnifique ou d’intérêt historique sans la permission du gouvernement. Personne ne peut vendre, pour exportation dans un pays étranger, des trésors artistiques, car ces trésor» sont considérés comme partie de l’héritage national et ceux qui en sont les dépositaires temporaires ne peuvent les aliéner pour un gain personnel. L’Etat fasciste tient à garantir la propriété individuelle non seulement pour l’individu, mais aussi pour ses héritiers. Les mines, forêts, carrières et autres sources potentielles de richesses doivent être suffisamment développées, et l’Etat fasciste est prêt à aider par des prêts et de la main-d’oeuvre experte leur développement pour le meilleur intérêt collectif national.	Fascism decrees that no man has the right to leave a portion of good land unproductive for selfish ends of sport or pleasure; even less can an individual impoverish his properties by deforesting them without need or causing an unhealthy state of affairs by neglecting to drain them.  No landlord has the right to let habitable houses fall into ruins; if he does not have the means to keep his property in good condition, the proprietor must sell it, or the State shall take care of developing it for him, in return for remuneration.  Inertia or neglect to produce is considered inexcusable for any possessor of capital.  Whenever a possessor of capital shows negligence or incapacity, the fascist state takes charge of what he has.  No one has the right to demolish a magnificent construction or one of historic interest without the permission of the government.  No one can sell artistic treasures for export to a foreign country because these treasure are considered part of the national heritage and those who are the temporary trustees cannot alienate them for personal gain.  The fascist State wants to guarantee individual property not only for the individual, but also for his heirs.  The mines, forests, quarries and other potential sources of wealth must be sufficiently developed, and the fascist State is ready to help their development with loans and expert manpower for the best national collective interest.
L’Etat fasciste dirige un système de coordination du progrès national, et il empêche, à cette fin, toute surcapitalisation, la formation de nouvelles entreprises dans le genre de celles dont le pays est déjà suffisamment pourvu ou qui n’ont pour seul but qu’une compétition de coupe-gorge.	The fascist State directs a system of coordination of national progress, and to this end, it prevents overcapitalization or the establishment of new enterprises similar to those already in sufficient abundance in the country or whose only purpose is cut-throat competition.
Si le fascisme se fait le défenseur du droit de propriété, dans toutes les sphères imaginables, il se permet d’intervenir lorsque le droit de propriété entre en conflit avec l’intérêt de l’Etat et le bien général.  Le fascisme est conscient de son devoir primordial de diriger, et il accomplit ce devoir intelligemment, en coordonnant toutes les forces productrices de la nation.  C’est ce qui peut lui permettre de contrôler la production, suivant les besoins naturels du pays et de ses marchés extérieurs, et restreindre toute surproduction basée sur des besoins artificiels spéculatifs.  C’est donc opposer l’idéal de service1 au mercantilisme industriel et à l’idéal de production pour le seul avantage du profit, ainsi que protéger la propriété personnelle contre le capitalisme agioteur.	If fascism is the defender of the right to property in all conceivable spheres, it allows itself to intervene when the right of ownership conflicts with the interest of the State and the general good.  Fascism is aware of its primary duty to lead, and it fulfills this duty intelligently, by coordinating all the productive forces of the nation.  This is what can allow it to control production according to the natural needs of the country and its external markets, and to limit any overproduction based on artificial speculative needs.  It therefore opposes the ideal of service1 to that of industrial mercantilism and to production for the sole advantage of profit, as well as protecting personal property against exploitive capitalism.
__________ 1.  Note de la traductrice:  “l’idéal de service”:  gardez à l’esprit la devise d’Adrien Arcand, SERVIAM.  C’est le contraire de la réponse matérialiste de Satan à Dieu :  “Je ne servirai pas!” (Non-Serviam!).	__________ 1.  Note de la traductrice:  “the ideal of service”.  Keep in mind Adrien Arcand’s motto, SERVIAM.  It’s the opposite of materialist Satan’s answer to God:  “I will not serve!” (Non-Serviam!).
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
Le fascisme et le capital	Fascism and capital
Le fascisme établit une démarcation très nette entre le capital et le capitalisme. Le capital est un élément économique absolument indispensable pour la vie d’une nation. Le capitalisme est une tyrannie économique et sociale exercée par certains détenteurs de capitaux. La démocratie libérale est directement responsable de la tyrannie capitaliste qui a fini par rompre tout équilibre en absorbant la majeure partie du capital des nations, en exploitant cruellement les classes faibles pour augmenter sa puissance, en corrompant les partis politiques en sa faveur, en échafaudant tout un édifice de législations détrimentaires aux autres classes.	Fascism establishes a clear demarcation between capital and capitalism.  Capital is an absolutely indispensable economic element for the life of a nation.  Capitalism is an economic and social tyranny exercised by certain holders of capital.  Liberal democracy is directly responsible for the capitalist tyranny that has ended by upsetting the whole equilibrium, absorbing most of the capital of nations, cruelly exploiting the weaker classes to increase its power, corrupting political parties in its favor, scaffolding up a whole edifice of legislation detrimental for the other classes.
Le fascisme est peut-être plus fanatiquement anti-capitaliste que le socialisme, parce qu’il perçoit plus sainement les méfaits du capitalisme et les remèdes qu’il faut apporter aux maux qu’il occasionne.  Parce que la chirurgie fait souffrir, ce n’est pas une raison pour abolir la chirurgie.  Pourtant, telle est la logique du socialisme: parce que le capital a commis des abus, il faut abolir le capital!  Le fascisme a une façon plus intelligente de régler le problème.	Fascism is perhaps more fanatically anti-capitalist than socialism, because it perceives more soundly the misdeeds of capitalism and the remedies required for the ills occasioned.  The fact that surgery is painful is no reason to abolish surgery.  Yet this is the logic of socialism:  since capital has committed abuses, abolish capital!  Fascism has a more intelligent way to deal with the problem.
Il se propose d’abord, par des lois préconisées dans ses programmes politiques, lois qui diffèrent suivant les lieux et les genres d’abus, d’écraser définitivement le despotisme et la tyrannie du capitalisme. Dans le domaine positif, il décrète que les rôles jusqu’ici maintenus doivent être renversés et que la finance doit cesser d’être la maîtresse, pour devenir la servante de l’agriculture, de l’industrie et du commerce. La force inerte de l’argent doit être assujettie à la force vive des activités humaines.	First, it proposes, through laws advocated in its political programs, laws which differ according to the places and the kinds of abuses, to definitively crush despotism and the tyranny of capitalism.  In the positive area, it decrees that the roles hitherto maintained must be reversed and that finance must cease to be the mistress, to become the servant of agriculture, industry and commerce.  The inert force of money must be subjected to the living force of human activity.
Le fascisme pose aussi en principe que seuls le travail d’un individu ou une mise réelle de fonds peuvent rapporter des profits. C’est dire que le capital ne pourra plus être spéculatif, mais devra devenir purement productif. La spéculation sur des titres sans valeur réelle, sur des stocks de valeur fictive ou imaginaire, est ce qui cause la grande misère moderne et la maldistribution des richesses. Le capitalisme actuel exige de la nature et des classes travailleuses, des produits naturels et un travail humain qui sont compensés par des valeurs dont les trois quarts ne valent pas un sou.	Fascism also posits in principle that only the work of an individual or a real investment of funds can produce profits.  This means that capital can no longer be speculative, but will have to become purely productive.  Speculation on securities without real value, on inventories of fictitious or imaginary value, is what causes the great modern misery and maldistribution of wealth.  Today’s capitalism requires of nature and of the working classes natural products and human labor which are compensated by assets, three-quarters of which are not worth a penny.
Le fascisme considère comme un devoir de rendre le plus productif possible toute mise réelle de fonds dans une entreprise, mais il est en même temps déterminé à détruire l’exploitation des masses par les capitaux irréels, dont l’existence a été rendue possible par les lois démocratiques régissant les compagnies et les sociétés anonymes.	Fascism considers it a duty to make any real financial investment in a company as productive as possible, but at the same time it is determined to destroy the exploitation of the masses by unreal capital, the existence of which was made possible by the democratic laws governing companies and public limited companies.
Les entreprises capitalistes devront tendre, dans l’Etat fasciste, à revenir à l’ancien système des entreprises de famille, et les chefs en seront entièrement responsables, devant	Capitalist enterprises will have to tend, in the fascist State, to return to the old system of family enterprises, and the leaders will be entirely responsible for this, under
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
des lois rigoureuses. Le capital sera aidé et protégé, mais dans les limites de devoirs stricts et d’un esprit de juste coopération avec les activités qu’il devra servir.	rigorous laws.  Capital will be helped and protected, but within the limits of strict duties and a spirit of just cooperation with the activities it will serve.
Le fascisme et l’agriculture	Fascism and agriculture
Le fascisme considère l’agriculture comme la première, la plus importante et la plus vitale des industries nationales et lui accorde préséance, même dans la représentation parlementaire, où elle a droit à un plus grand nombre de représentants que toute autre industrie. Elle reçoit une aide équivalente à Ja considération qu’on lui porte. Le premier acte du fascisme est de spiritualiser l’agriculture, de la décentraliser et de la réorganiser sur des bases corporatives. Les détails de cette réorganisation, comme on le conçoit, font l’objet de programmes politiques qui viendront à leur heure. La colonisation, considérée comme l’un des aspects de l’agriculture, partage au même titre dans la considération de la première industrie nationale.	Fascism regards agriculture as the first, the most important and most vital of national industries and gives it precedence, even in parliamentary representation, where it has the right to a greater number of representatives than any other industry.  It receives help equivalent to the status attributed to it.  The first act of fascism is to spiritualize agriculture, to decentralize and reorganize it on a corporate basis.  The details of this reorganization, as we see it, are the subject of political programs that will come in due time.  Colonization, considered as one of the aspects of agriculture, shares equally in the status of the primary national industry.
Le fascisme et les travailleurs	Fascism and workers
Comme tous les citoyens sont astreints à travailler, dans l’Etat fasciste, il s’ensuit qu’il y a des lois pour protéger les travailleurs de tous genres, de même qu’il y a des lois pour punir ceux qui ne veulent pas travailler. Ces lois vont jusqu’à défranchiser, comme anti-nationaux, les fainéants qui refusent de reconnaître le devoir du travail. Cependant, les travailleurs manuels, parce qu’ils en ont un plus grand besoin, ont une protection toute particulière. L’Italie a produit pour eux le plus remarquable code qui se soit jamais fait. Il porte le nom de “Charte du Travail” et, ‘bien qu’il ne soit pas encore incorporé dans la constitution, il fait loi et a cours devant les tribunaux. Il faudrait lire toute cette Charte, monument de justice, d’équité et de bon sens, pour en révéler la valeur.	As all citizens are forced to work in the fascist State, it follows that there are laws to protect workers of all kinds, just as there are laws to punish those who do not want to work.  These laws go so far as to disenfranchise, as anti-nationals, idlers who refuse to recognize the duty of work.  However, manual workers, because they have a greater need, have special protection.  For them, Italy has produced the most remarkable code ever made, called the “Labor Charter”.  And although it is not yet incorporated in the constitution, it is law and is in the courts.  The whole Charter, a monument to justice, equity and common sense, should be read to reveal its value.
Cette charte réglemente la solidarité qui doit exister entre le capital, le travail, l’administration et le marchandage des produits. Elle décrète que le salaire de l’ouvrier doit non seulement être suffisant pour répondre aux besoins normaux de la vie, mais encore qu’il doit être proportionné à la valeur du travail pour lequel il est payé. Cette dernière clause permet de faire augmenter le salaire de l’ouvrier lorsqu’une machinerie plus efficace est installée dans une usine, car on considère que le travail prend une plus grande efficacité et une plus grande valeur avec une machine plus perfectionnée. C’est donc décourager chez l’employeur la mécanisation dont le seul but est d’éliminer ou avilir la main-d’oeuvre. La même charte comporte un mécanisme pour assurer le plus bas niveau possible des prix de vente, non seulement dans l’intérêt du commerce	This charter regulates the solidarity that must exist among capital, labor, administration and price-fixing of products.  It decrees that the worker’s wages must not only be sufficient to meet the normal needs of life, but also that they must be proportionate to the value of the work for which they are paid.  This latter clause increases the wages of the worker when more efficient machinery is installed in a factory, because it is considered that the work takes greater efficiency and acquires greater value with a more sophisticated machine.  This therefore discourages the employer from mechanizing, the sole purpose of which is to eliminate or debase the workforce.  The same charter includes a mechanism to ensure the lowest possible level of selling prices, not only in the interest
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
d’exportation, mais aussi dans l’intérêt de l’ouvrier-consom-mateur.	of export trade, but also in the interest of the worker-consumer.
Cette “Charte du Travail” considère donc et concilie le plus équitablement possible ces trois choses capitales: les plus hauts salaires possibles pour le travailleur; un niveau raisonnable de profit pour la direction et l’employeur afin d’assurer un courant constant de cerveaux et de capitaux vers l’entreprise; les plus bas prix de vente possibles afin d’étendre le commerce extérieur et de maintenir un coût de la vie peu élevé pour les consommateurs de l’intérieur du pays. Ces trois intérêts sont reconnus comme solidaires et complémentaires, d’importance égale pour les travailleurs, pour les employeurs et pour la nation. Négliger ou diminuer l’un des trois peut être fatal aux deux autres.	This “Charter of Labor”, therefore, considers and reconciles these three most important things as equitably as possible:  the highest possible wages for the worker; a reasonable level of profit for management and the employer to ensure a constant flow of brains and capital to the company; the lowest selling prices possible in order to expand foreign trade and maintain a low cost of living for consumers in the interior of the country.  These three interests are recognized as mutually supportive and complementary, of equal importance to workers, employers and the nation.  Neglecting or diminishing one of the three can be fatal to the other two.
Ajoutons que la “Charte du Travail” régularise les heures de travail, décrète les congés de semaine, exige des vacances annuelles payées à plein salaire, et oblige l’employeur de payer une gratuité ou une pension proportionnée à la durée de service, lorsqu’un travailleur termine son contrat ou est démis de ses fonctions. La Charte pourvoit à des Bureaux pour le transfert des ouvriers d’une usine à l’autre, afin d’éviter le chômage; à des assurances spéciales oblgatoires contre les accidents industriels, le chômage involontaire, les maladies provoquées par certains métiers, assurances auxquelles l’ouvrier et le patron contribuent chacun pour la moitié. Le fascisme encourage, répand et soutient les syndicats de métiers, exigeant qu’ils soient de contrôle et de caractère national. A cause de son système parlementaire rt des qualités exigées des représentants du peuple, le fascisme désire que tous les travailleurs du pays fassent partie des syndicats de métiers, associations agricoles, associations professionnelles ou autres organisations s’occupant des intérêts de leur profession particulière.	It should be added that the “Labor Charter” regulates working hours, orders time off each week, requires annual holidays paid at full salary, and obliges the employer to pay a gratuity or a pension proportionate to the length of service when a worker finishes his contract or is dismissed.  The Charter provides for Offices for the transfer of workers from one factory to another to avoid unemployment; for compulsory special insurance against industrial accidents, involuntary unemployment, diseases caused by certain trades, insurance to which the worker and the employer each contribute half.  Fascism encourages, propagates and supports trade unions, demanding that they be of national character under national control.  Because of its parliamentary system and the qualities required of the peoples’ representatives, fascism desires that all workers in the country be a part of trade unions, agricultural associations, professional associations or other organizations concerned with the interests of their particular profession.
Le fascisme et les partis politiques	Fascism and political parties
Le fascisme comporte l’abolition de tous les partis politiques. En réalité, il n’y a même pas de parti fasciste, sauf pendant le temps que dure encore l’ère démocratique, car le fascisme est un système gouvernemental et non un groupement partisan.	Fascism involves the abolition of all political parties.  In fact, there is not even a fascist party, except while the democratic era still lasts, because fascism is a governmental system and not a partisan group.
La situation canadienne nous prouve suffisamment que le régime des partis empêche tout gouvernement national. Que notre gouvernement soit libéral ou conservateur, c’est toujours le gouvernement d’une moitié de la population, l’opposition représentant l’autre moitié. Quelle unité d’action, quelle permanence de continuité, quelle stabilité réelle, quelle sécurité pouvons-nous avoir, avec un tel régime ? Aucune.	The Canadian situation sufficiently proves that the party system prevents any national government.  Whether our government is Liberal or Conservative, it is still the government of a half of the population, the opposition representing the other half.  What unity of action, what permanence of continuity, what real stability, what security can we have with such a regime?  None.
[53]	[53]

Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
Le pouvoir, sous le régime démocratique des partis politiques, est basé sur la souveraineté du nombre, sur la majorité des voix, c’est-à-dire sur une masse anonyme, instable, incohérente et totalement irresponsable. Ce mode électoral prête à corruption et, de fait, n’est que corruption. L’autorité qu’il confère n’est que nominale, elle est toujours timide, toujours insuffisante.	Power, in the democratic regime of political parties, is based on the sovereignty of number, on the majority of votes, meaning on an anonymous, unstable, incoherent and totally irresponsible mass.  This electoral method is prone to corruption and, in fact, is nothing but corruption.  The authority it confers is only nominal, always uncertain, always insufficient.
Le suffrage universel, tel qu’il est pratiqué dans les pays démocratiques, est issu du faux principe de l’égalité de tous les citoyens. Et, quelque parti qui soit au pouvoir par le moyen du suffrage universel, il est incapable de gouverner. Le suffrage universel ne produit que des politiciens professionnels, susceptibles de corruption et capables de corrompre l’électorat de qui ils détiennent le pouvoir; il ne produit pas d’hommes d’Etat, sauf en de très rares exceptions. La qualité d’homme d’Etat exige des mesures de prévoyance, de sagesse et de sacrifice que la masse électorale ne consentira jamais. On n’obtient pas la sagesse en multipliant à l’infini le nombre des ignorances; et, sous le régime démocratique, la sagesse se résume dans le “non” ou le “oui” exprimé par l’ignorance générale, que l’on dénomme “suffrage universel”.	Universal suffrage, as practiced in democratic countries, stems from the false principle of the equality of all citizens.  And, whatever the party in power by means of universal suffrage, it is incapable of governing.  Universal suffrage only produces professional politicians, susceptible to corruption and capable of corrupting the electorate from whom they hold power; it does not produce statesmen, except in very rare exceptions.  The quality of a statesman requires foresight, wisdom and sacrifice that the electoral mass can never bestow.  Wisdom is not obtained by multiplying to infinity the number of ignorants; but in the democratic regime, wisdom is summed up in the “no” or the “yes” expressed by the general ignorance called “universal suffrage”.
Le fascisme n’a donc aucune confiance dans le système électoral démocratique, qui procède toujours par le mensonge des fausses promesses, ou l’intimidation, ou la corruption, et qui ne confère le pouvoir qu’à une classe ou un groupe d’intérêts de la nation. Les gouvernants qui doivent exercer des talents d’hommes d’Etat et une grande vision ne doivent pas être forcés de faire leur cour à la popularité, car ce n’est pas le nombre de voix en faveur d’une loi qui doit compter, mais la sagesse et l’équité de cette loi. C’est pourquoi, sous le Fascisme, les majorités ne veulent rien dire, à moins qu’elles ne soient des majorités d’hommes d’expérience et d’esprit patriotique.	Fascism therefore has no confidence in the democratic electoral system, which always proceeds by the lie of false promises, or intimidation, or corruption, and confers power only on one class or group of interests in the nation.  The rulers who must exercise the talents of statesmen and great vision ought not to be forced to court popularity, for it is not the number of votes in favor of a law that must count, but the wisdom and fairness of this law.  This is why, under Fascism, majorities mean nothing unless they are majorities of men of experience and patriotic spirit.
Le fascisme et l’opposition parlementaire	Fascism and parliamentary opposition
L’opposition parlementaire est, aux yeux du fasciste, l’une des plus grandes futilités dont il convient de se débarrasser. Toute opposition parlementaire semble être un corps d’agitateurs salariés dont la tâche stupide est de retarder et entraver l’action du gouvernement au pouvoir, de mal représenter sa conduite et de critiquer les lois au point de créer dans l’esprit public des doutes sur leur justice et de diminuer le respect qu’elles devraient inspirer; et souvent, à cause des craintes que lui inspire l’opposition, un gouvernement néglige de passer des lois que les circonstances rendraient impérieuses. Le fascisme répudie l’erreur démocratique des oppositions parle-	The parliamentary opposition, in the eyes of the fascist, is one of the greatest trivialities that ought to be got rid of.  Every parliamentary opposition seems to be a body of paid agitators whose stupid task is to delay and hinder the action of the government in power, to misrepresent its conduct and to criticize the laws to the point of creating doubts in the public mind about their justice and diminish the respect they should inspire; and often, because of fears aroused by the opposition, a government neglects to pass laws that circumstances make imperative.  Fascism repudiates the democratic error of parliamentary oppositions
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Fascisme ou Socialisme ?	Fascism or Socialism?
mentaires et exige que tout soit avec et dans l’Etat, et qu’aucun groupe ne soit contre l’Etat.	and requires that all be with and in the State, and that no group be against the State.
Le gouvernement de parti est lui-même une source de gaspillage national, car son administration est toujours privée de grands et réels talents qui dépensent leur énergie dans des critiques artificielles et improfitables de la politique du gouvernement, gaspillant aussi le temps et l’énergie des ministres qui, à tout bout de champ, sont obligés de recourir à des moyens artificiels de défense et de contre-attaque. De plus, la nécessité de trouver des excuses, des justifications ou des explications pour les actes administratifs ne permet le succès parlementaire qu’à des avocats, dont la profession consiste en ce genre d’occupations, plutôt qu’à des hommes d’affaires d’une habileté pratique. L’inefficacité de la plupart des ministres dans la conduite de leurs ministères pourrait trouver une explication dans ce facteur psychologique, car on sait que les ministres sont ordinairement sauvés des impasses de leur vie publique par leurs subalternes.	The party government is itself a source of national waste, because its administration is always deprived of great and real talents who spend their energy in artificial and unprofitable criticisms of the government’s policy, also wasting the time and energy of government ministers who, at every turn, are obliged to resort to artificial means of defense and counter-attack. Moreover, the need to find excuses, justifications or explanations for administrative acts only allows parliamentary success to lawyers, whose profession consists of this line of work, rather than to businessmen with practical skill.  The inefficiency of most ministers in the conduct of their ministries might find an explanation in this psychological factor, for it is well known that ministers are usually saved from stalemates in their public life by their subordinates.
Le Parlement fasciste	The Fascist Parliament
Le fascisme ne se contente pas de critiquer et souligner les graves défauts du système parlementaire démocratique, il offre mieux. Son système parlementaire est un système corporatif à base consultative, c’est-à-dire un système d’administration d’Etat fonctionnant comme une administration de compagnie ordinaire, le peuple étant appelé à faire connaître ses besoins à des époques déterminées, généralement tous les cinq ans. Le fascisme établit d’abord comme principe que le système représentatif n’est pas d’imposer la volonté d’une masse impersonnelle et aveugle aux hommes d’Etat en autorité, mais seulement pour que ceux-ci puissent prendre connaissance des besoins des diverses parties de la communauté. Et, sur ce principe, il échafaude le système parlementaire le plus logique, le plus pratique et le plus scientifique qui puisse satisfaire aux ‘besoins modernes.	Fascism is not content to criticize and underline the serious flaws of the democratic parliamentary system, it offers better.  Its parliamentary system is a consultative-based corporate system, that is, a system of State administration functioning like an ordinary company administration, the people being called upon to make known their needs at specified times, generally every five years.  Fascism first establishes as a principle that the representative system is not to impose the will of a blind impersonal mass upon Statesmen in authority, but only to acquaint them with the needs of various parts of the community.  And on this principle, it constructs the most logical, practical, and scientific parliamentary system that can satisfy modern needs.
Comme je l’ai dit plus haut, le fascisme n’exige pas une forme identique de gouvernement dans tous les pays, et il n’est d’aucune nécessité de copier le système italien, ou allemand, ou autrichien. Cependant, comme le fascisme exige une forme gouvernementale corporative et une autorité permanente et stable pour l’Etat, il s’ensuit que tous les systèmes fascistes ont des affinités qui les rendent Semblables dans leurs grandes lignes. Comme notre système gouvernemental canadien est copié sur le système anglais, je m’en tiendrai au système que désirent les Fascistes d’Angleterre. Vous me permettrez de citer textuellement ce que préconise à ce sujet l’Impérial Fascist League, de Grande-Bretagne.	As stated above, fascism does not require an identical form of government in all countries, and there is no need to copy the Italian, or German, or Austrian system.  However, since fascism requires a corporate governmental form and a permanent and stable authority for the State, it follows that all fascist systems have affinities that make them broadly similar.  Since our Canadian government system is copied from the English system, I will stick to the system that the Fascists of England want.  You will allow me to quote verbatim what the Imperial Fascist League of Great Britain advocates on this subject.
[55]	[55]

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Tune in again!  Subscribe for the next instalment!
Branchez-vous à nouveau! Abonnez-vous pour le prochain versement!

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Same slogan, similar “National Policy”, very different outcomes: what happened to Canada between 1878 and 1938?

The National Policy Canada for Canadians! The National Policy began as a proposal to protect Canadian manufacturers from cheaper foreign products. It was put forward by Macdonald and his party in the 1878 general election with the slogan “Canada for Canadians”. The National Policy, as it was implemented in the budget of 1879, included much more than protection. The encouragement of immigration, the development of agriculture in the west, the growth of industry in the east, the improvement of railway and harbour facilities to promote the movement of goods and people across the country; all to make Canada strong and independent. These were some elements of Macdonald’s grand vision.  Macdonald’s Conservative Party maintained that the National Policy, along with the British connection and resistance to cultural and economic pressures from the United States, were the keys to Canada’s survival. Macdonald wins!  He goes to Parliament Parliament Building – Ottawa – 1878 by Art MacKay

NOW ADRIEN ARCAND TRIES IT

 

The National Policy Canada for Canadians! Abolish monopolies, trusts, cartels, foreign exploitation, including exploitation by foreigners become locals using international banks to buy up the country and internationalize the ownership of Canadian resources and production.  In Arcand’s day, immigration was too much and too foreign.  French-Canadians in Quebec and other Canadians were fleeing the country in search of work.  Arcand wished, once again, to benefit Canadian farmers and industry. Arcand’s “National Policy” was to cap foreign immigration, restore the unitary parliament that had existed prior to political parties, and thus prevent corruption and exploitation by trusts and private interests. Catholic Corporatism would ward off Communism, Socialism, Liberalism and Internationalism. These were some elements of Arcand’s grand vision. Arcand’s conservative National Unity Party maintained that its National Policy, along with the British connection and resistance to cultural and economic pressures from mass-immigrated Jews were the keys to Canada’s survival. “Treason!” they cry, “Lock him up!” “Off to the Camps!” World War II. Petawawa Internment Camp.

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What happened to Canada between 1878 and 1938?

William-Lyon Mackenzie King, our American Prime Minister

Could it be that massive Jewish immigration around the turn of the previous Century converted a proud, conservative, self-governing Christian Canada with wholesome values, into an international liberal parking lot, ripe for the plucking under foreign domination?

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Adrien Arcand “Avers The Family Is Fascism’s Ideal” (11 February 1937)

Adrien Arcand with Gérard Lemieux, his faithful lieutenant and Lemieux’s young wife, Réjeanne.  After the war, after the camps, arms filled with hope and joy, a new life.  Source:  Adrien Arcand, Une grande figure de notre temps, Jean Côté, 1994, p. 29

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Since the family unit is the surest protection for individuals and for classes, even those that socialism wants to see disappear, socialism aims to deplete, dissolve and eliminate the family, numerous of whose rights have already been annihilated by liberalism.
 
— Adrien Arcand, Fascism or Socialism? (1933), p. 40*

 

Avers The Family Is
Fascism’s Ideal

Adrien Arcand Expounds
His Political Beliefs to McGill Club

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, THURSDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 1937

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Taking as its ideal the family — created by God and therefore perfect — Fascism in Quebec seeks to set up a new order based on God, King, country, property, family and personal initiative, Adrien Arcand, leader of the “Parti Social National Chrétien,” told the Social Problems Club of McGill University yesterday.

Of course, Fascism was dictatorship, he said, but this was a principle that went throughout nature.  Even in the beehive there was a dictator; heads of businesses and families were dictators.  Why had Bennett and Taschereau failed in government when they were so successful in their own businesses?  Because in Parliament and the Legislature they had been hampered by opposition.  Carrying on his analogy of the family, Mr. Arcand said that the state had to be rigid, just as a good father had to be who loved his children and wanted them to grow up healthy and sane.

Christianity, he emphasized, was the basis of Fascism, and in answer to a question he defined it as “a belief in the testament of love rather than in the testament of terror.”  Under democracy, exploiters stood between God and His children.  This Fascism would not tolerate.  Nor would it tolerate immorality.  “Whatever the yells,” he said, “pornography will be burned in public places.”

It was not because of Communism, “our direct enemy,” that Fascism came into being, said the leader.  It was because of the failure of democracy, which was based on liberty, an illusion.  “We hear only liberty — liberty to rebel against God, against our country, against law and order.  We never hear of duty,” Fascism sounded the call to duty.

Mr. Arcand blamed democracy for rebellions, strikes and wars, and even ugly architecture.  (The grandest achievements of men — Versailles, for instance — were in the days before democracy.)  It was to blame for the disruption of national unity and vision and for the new and damaging spirit of internationalism.  Liberalism he described as the ante-chamber of socialism, which could lead only to Communism, anarchy, the state of the beast.

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*  «Parce que la cellule familiale est la plus sûre protection pour les individus et pour les classes, même celles que le socialisme veut voir disparaître, le socialisme vise à la diminution, à la dissolution puis à la disparition de la famille, dont le libéralisme a déjà anéanti de nombreux droits.»

— Adrien Arcand, Fascisme ou Socialisme? (1933), p 40

– 30 –

Wanted! We are looking for unknown and lost works by Adrien Arcand (1899-1967)

A new project has been launched.

Looking for Unknown and Lost Works of Adrien Arcand

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Our Kijiji ad went up today:

https://www.kijiji.ca/v-view-details.html?adId=1496030771&siteLocale=fr_CA

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First Kijiji ad to recover lost and unknown works of Adrien Arcand (12 April 2020)

Adrien Arcand, portraitiste

Adrien Arcand, imprésario

Adrien Arcand, candidat politique

Adrien Arcand et son épouse, Yvonne Giguère

Adrien Arcand a lutté contre le multiculturalisme

Adrien Arcand, journaliste de carrere

Père et fils réunis après la seconde guerre mondiale

Adrien Arcand

The Quebec Archives in downtown Montreal, Tuesday 16 January 2018.

The Quebec Archives, entrance to special collections, rare books and government documents. Tuesday, 16 January 2018.

As you know, if you’ve read this blog for awhile, I’m a “poor Anglo” (pôvre anglophone).  I had to use google translate to put this ad into French.  Therefore, if you notice any improvements or corrections that should be made to the French, please let me know in the comments.

Thank you!

FRENCH TEXT OF THE AD (English below)

Download a PDF of the ad in a zip file.

Description Adrien Arcand est né à Montréal en 1899 et y est décédé en 1967. Il a vécu dans le centre-ville de Montréal, où il a prononcé des discours politiques au Monument National et ailleurs comme par exemple au Théâtre Saint-Denis. Arcand a publié des brochures, prospectus et pamphlets, souvent pliés et agrafés, qu’il a vendus lors de ses discours publics dans les années 1930, puis dans les années 50 et 60. La plupart de ceux des années 1930 sont maintenant perdus. Cependant, ces œuvres perdues font partie du patrimoine québécois. Le travail d’Arcand est actuellement en cours de traduction en anglais (sans frais) pour la Bibliothèque et Archives Nationales du Québec. Nous souhaitons retrouver les œuvres manquantes d’Arcand afin de les traduire et aussi afin d’enrichir la collection de son travail à la BAnQ. Nous essayons donc, avec cette publicité, de redécouvrir les œuvres manquantes et inconnues d’Adrien Arcand. Cette publicité vise à localiser des copies de discours et de brochures d’Adrien Arcand, généralement publiés par Joseph Menard dans les années 1930 et par lui et par d’autres éditeurs dans les années 50 et 60. Arcand était un chef politique catholique ultra-conservateur. C’était un fasciste catholique romain qui luttait pour la survie de son propre peuple, les Canadiens français. Il fonda le Parti national social chrétien en 1933 et le Parti de l’unité nationale du Canada en 1939. Si vous avez des objets de ce genre ou tout autre élément intéressant par Arcand ou son parti politique et ses dirigeants, dans votre sous-sol, votre grenier ou parmi vos vieux livres et magazines, veuillez nous contacter. Nous aimerions transmettre copies ou photos de ces objets aux Archives nationales du Québec (BAnQ) en tant que documents patrimoniaux. Adrien Arcand était également portraitiste et violoniste. Il a peint de grands portraits après la Seconde Guerre mondiale dans sa modeste maison de Lanoraie, au Québec. Arcand peint souvent des portraits pour «payer» les dettes qu’il doit. Si vous avez un portrait qui, selon vous, a été peint par Adrien Arcand, nous apprécierions d’en voir une photo, afin de déterminer comment une copie pourrait être réalisée et incluse dans la collection patrimoniale d’Arcand à la BAnQ à Montréal. Arcand jouait du violon. Il est possible qu’il ait écrit des partitions pour son violon. Si vous connaissez une partition signée par Adrien Arcand, qui a souvent signé son nom simplement comme “A. A.”, nous apprécierions d’en voir une copie pour les mêmes raisons. Parfois, Arcand montait des spectacles dans des théâtres locaux avec des talents locaux. Nous aimerions retrouver ses anciens programmes de théâtre, vieilles affiches publicitaires, vieilles affiches de théâtre, de vieilles enregistrements audio de ses spectacles de talents; ou de ses discours ou également des enregistrements de discours de son collègue Joseph Menard. Si vous avez des photos d’Adrien Arcand, seul ou avec sa famille, ses collègues et amis, nous aimerions en obtenir une copie pour enrichir sa collection au BAnQ. AIDEZ-NOUS À ENRICHIR LA COLLECTION! MERCI!

ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE AD

Description Adrien Arcand was born in Montreal in 1899 and died there in 1967. He lived in downtown Montreal, where he gave political speeches at the National Monument theatre and elsewhere, for example at the Théâtre Saint-Denis. Arcand published brochures, flyers and pamphlets, often folded and stapled, which he sold during his public speeches in the 1930s, and then in the 1950s and 1960s. Most of those from the 1930s are now lost. However, these lost works are part of Quebec’s heritage. Arcand’s work is currently being translated into English (free of charge) for the National Library and Archives of Quebec. We want to find Arcand’s missing works in order to translate them and also to enrich the collection of his work at the BAnQ. We are therefore trying, with this advertisement, to rediscover the missing and unknown works of Adrien Arcand. The advertisement seeks to locate copies of speeches and brochures by Adrien Arcand, generally published by Joseph Menard in the 1930s and by him and other publishers in the 1950s and 1960s. Arcand was an ultra-conservative Catholic political leader. He was a Roman Catholic fascist who fought for the survival of his own people, the French Canadians. He founded the National Christian Social Party in 1933 and the National Unity Party of Canada in 1939. If you have such items or any other item of interest to Arcand or his political party and leaders, in your basement, your attic or among your old books and magazines, please contact us. We would like to transmit copies or photos of these objects to the National Archives of Quebec (BAnQ) as heritage documents. Adrien Arcand was also a portrait painter and violinist. He painted large portraits after the Second World War in his modest house in Lanoraie, Quebec. Arcand often painted portraits to “pay” the debts he owed. If you have a portrait that you think was painted by Adrien Arcand, we would appreciate seeing a photo, to determine how a copy could be made and included in Arcand’s heritage collection at the BAnQ in Montreal. Arcand played the violin. He may have written scores for his violin. If you know of a score signed by Adrien Arcand, who often signed his name simply as “A. A.”, we would appreciate seeing a copy for the same reasons. Sometimes Arcand put on shows in local theaters with local talent. We would like to find his old theater programs, old advertising posters, old theater posters, old audio recordings of his talent shows; or of his speeches or also recordings of the speeches of his colleague Joseph Menard. If you have photos of Adrien Arcand, alone or with his family, colleagues and friends, we would like to obtain a copy to enrich his collection at BAnQ. HELP US ENRICH THE COLLECTION! THANK YOU!

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Subscribe and rediscover history
with Adrien Arcand Books!
Abonnez-vous et redécouvrez l’histoire
avec Adrien Arcand Books!

‘Jews Trying to Soften Us For Russian Drive’—Arcand (Montreal Gazette, 25 February 1947)

AMONG HIS SOUVENIRS:  Adrien Arcand, anti-semitic proponent of totalitarianism, is shown above at his home at Lanoraie, Que., showing some of his souvenirs from his stay in internment camp to his son Pierre.  During his five-year sojourn Arcand carved a number of brooches, buttons, boxes and similar objects, each bearing the emblem of the National Unity Party—a flaming torch.

‘Jews Trying to Soften Us For Russian Drive’—Arcand

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Canada Has Become New Belgium, Says Fascist Leader; Maintains Reds Will Strike at United States Through Dominion

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By Kenneth G. Wright

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, 25 FEB 1947

(Following is the last of three articles by Kenneth G. Wright, Gazette staff writer, on Adrien Arcand, Canadian Fascist leader who was interned for five years.)

Read Part 1.  Read Part 2.

(Copyright 1947)

Canada faces a double danger from Russia today, an attack from the north and steady disintegration of the country from within by “Jewish Bolshevik spies,” according to Adrien Arcand, pre-war leader of the Canadian Fascists.  Arcand, interned for five years as a menace to his nation’s war effort, in an interview at his home at Lanoraie, Que., last week, declared his anti-Jewish organization is now stronger than before.

Official emblem of the National Unity Party of Canada

“Canada has become the new Belgium,” he said.  “We are geographically and economically an American country, and Russia some day must strike through Canada at the United States  The greatest danger, however, is from within, for both nations.  You see every day instances of how the Jews are trying to soften us up, ready for the big blow.  Russia is not powerful enough to attack today, but she hopes to be in time, and meanwhile the Jews are preparing the way.

“Look at the spy trials.  And don’t forget, that was one group, it was reported there are four more.  I have definite information there are four more such groups, and that they are seeking to destroy us.”

“Did you see the outcome of the recent war between Fascism and Democracy?” he was asked.

“It wasn’t a war between Fascism and Democracy, it was s war, instigated as the First Great War was, by the Jews against the rest of the world.  In smashing the fighting power of Russia, the anti-Jews have won the first round.  I am doing my part, with my fellow believers in Canada and other parts of the world to help win the second, which is inevitably coming.”

His blueshirt legions, prominent at Arcand’s meetings in Montreal around 1938, were merely a “protective organization” against the Communists, the National Unity Party leader said.

‘Ahead of Our Time’

“I put my men into uniform and insisted they keep neat and clean and look smart merely because the Communists who tried to break up our meetings were the opposite — a dirty unshaven Jewish rabble, only out for trouble.

“We were trying at those meetings to tell the people of Canada what was in store for them, we tried to warn them of the Jewish-Communist menace.  We were 10 years ahead of our time in that work.

“Our real organization, however, was one of thinkers and planners.  That organization today is stronger than it ever was.”

Denying that his blueshirts ever had violent aims, Arcand reiterated that his present goal is to achieve his ends through peaceful methods.

“I am against harming any man.  I believe in faith, hope and charity.  My present aim in life is to enjoy my family and to watch events until the time comes.”  A Roman Catholic in religion, Arcand and his family have a pew in the Lanoraie parish church.  His philosophy, however, does not prevent him from reading with delight of British plans to take a firm hand with the terrorists in Palestine.  This he sees as action “for the cause.”

Much of the Arcand story remains to be told — much that only Arcand knows.  He has friends, some of them undoubtedly sympathetic, in high places in this province and in the rest of Canada.  How far those friends, and the people they can influence, will march with Arcand, “when the time comes,” he probably doesn’t know himself.

For the present, however, he is keeping his secrets.  “Memoirs?  A book?”

“That’s an old man’s job.  I’m too busy now.”

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Download the original article, “‘Jews Trying to Soften Us For Russian Drive’—Arcand“.

* The image of the NUPC emblem was added by yours truly.

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Solution to Palestine problem: “Send Jews to Madagascar”, Says Fascist Adrien Arcand (24 February 1947)

EARNING HIS LIVING:  Adrien Arcand, Montreal newspaperman who became leader of the Fascist movement in Canada, is shown at his typewriter in Lanoraie, doing commercial translation.  This work and his portrait painting, he says, earns him his living.  (Gazette Photo by Davidson.)

Send Jews to Madagascar, Says Fascist Adrien Arcand

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Notorious Anti-Semite Has Own Solution for Palestine Problem; Exposé Finds Him Boasting That National Unity Party Still Growing

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By Kenneth G. Wright

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, 24 FEB 1947

(Following is the second of three articles by Kenneth G. Wright, Gazette staff writer, on Adrien Arcand, Canadian Fascist Leader who was interned for five years.)

Read Part 1.  Read Part 3.

(Copyright 1947)

The solution to the Palestine problem is to transport all the Jews in that country “and in the rest of the world” to the Island of Madagascar, according to Adrien Arcand, Fascist-minded leader of the anti-semitic movement in Canada.

“Palestine has been populated for the past 1900 years by non-Jews — why do they ask for it now?  It is only to embarrass Britain, to start a conflict which would eventually smash the British Empire as part of their plan for Jewish world domination.”

Arcand, who was interned for five years during the war under the Defence of Canada regulations, in an interview at his home at Lanoraie, Que., this week credited the Madagascar idea to his friend, Henry Hamilton Beamish.  Beamish, a South African, has been a Jew-baiter for years, and was imprisoned during the war on similar grounds to those which led to Arcand’s internment.  The two correspond regularly, and Arcand expects Beamish to pay him a visit next year.

Proposes Plan

“Palestine is and was until the heavy Jewish immigration of the past 15 years an Arab country,” said Arcand.  “The Jews there and in the rest of the world should be sent to Madagascar.  The climate is suitable for colonization, the island is 1,300 miles long and it can comfortably contain 100 million people.  There are some four million negros there now, they could be sent to Africa, to Liberia^*, for instance.  Then the Jews from America, from Britain, from every country in the world, could be isolated there, without contact with the white race, and spend the rest of their lives carrying out their nefarious plotting among themselves.”

Adrien Arcand, musician, portrait artist, philosopher, Roman Catholic Fascist

Arcand is a curious paradox.  Tall, thin, with ascetic features, he is well-educated, plays the violin with more than ordinary skill and has a working knowledge of Yiddish and German besides a wide English vocabulary although a strong French accent.  His conversation jumps from the Winnipeg Grain Exchange to the Battle of Narvik to early Kings of England to American politics almost in a single breath, with every reference to illustrate some anti-Jewish belief.  He is fanatical about anything Jewish, and firmly believes he and his fellow thinkers are carrying on a crusade to “save” the world from that race.  He delights in quoting Jewish authors, including the Talmud, to make his point that the “Asiatics,” as he sometimes calls them, are plotting to crush the “white race.”

Yet he denies having any racial prejudice.

“I am against no race in the world.  I am against the Jews not as Jews but because of what they are trying to do.  Anti-semitism, you must remember, is not an offensive^* status, it is a defensive one.”

This thought process leaves him, for instance, in sympathy with the Columbians, anti-racial group in Georgia, only as far as they are anti-Jewish and therefore helping “the cause.”  With their other tenets, especially their use of violence, he has no sympathy.

His only knowledge of the work of the Columbians is through the newspapers, nor has he had any direct communication with Sir Oswald Mosley in Britain.

Arcand did not like the use of the word “resurgence” in a question about British Fascism since the war.

“You cannot say ‘resurgence,’ the real thing never died down, although there may not have been much outward manifestation.  More people are thinking as we do, yes, that is going on everywhere in the world.  It is the same thing in Canada, my party members who come to see me here tell me.  Ideas cannot be shot or hanged or interned.”

The exact number of members of the National Unity Party in Canada today Arcand will not discuss, although he continually says it is a considerable and growing total.  He has many fellow travellers, he says, who for various reasons do not wish to come into the open “just yet.”  His mail is heavy, however, not only from Canada but from other parts of the world.  He showed me a number of letters in his voluminous files, which contain also much anti-Jewish literature of the type which the R.C.M.P. seized in raids on party headquarters just before he was interned.  Much of that material has been returned to him and is stored about the house.^*  Over his desk is a plaque on which is emblazoned the emblem of the party — a flaming torch within a wreath surmounted by a beaver and bearing the Latin word “Serviam.”^*

He is immensely proud, too, of a number of wooden brooches, buttons, jewel boxes, buckles and similar items he carved during his stay in the internment camp, each bearing the party’s device.

Arcand talks freely and often amusingly of his stay in the camps, first at Petawawa and later at Fredericton, N.B. Incidentally, he had little to do with Mayor Camillien Houde, interned at the same time, and one gathers there was no love lost between the two.

If he felt it would advance his cause he would face internment again, Arcand said.

“I don’t care personally whether I live to be there when the time comes for action or not, as long as the ideals in which I believe are successful.  If I felt it would advance those ideals I would face internment again, or shooting.  A bullet in the head on the battlefield for those ideals in which one believes, that is the death of a soldier.”

* The image of the violin was added by yours truly.

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EXTRA

ON THE SAME PAGE

World Government Held Solution
To Prevent War, Create Peace

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, 24 FEB 1947

World government, based on universal brotherhood of men, or some sort of Christian socialism and moral as well as spiritual democracy is no Utopia.  It is a practical and thoroughly feasible government with authority in power to enforce world legislation which will prevent war and create lasting peace, Dr. Mortimer J. Adler, well-known American author and lecturer, stated at Loyola College last night.

Dr. Mortimer J. Adler

Speaking under the auspices of the Loyola Ladies’ Auxiliary on “Unity or Chaos,” Dr. Adler, who also is professor of philosophy of law at the University of Chicago, said, “One world or none is our only choice.”  He added that the present nations, individually and collectively would only be ready to accept such a world government after having undergone an economic, moral and spiritual revolution.

He stated, “the United Nations will not do” because, he said, it has no legislative powers, no authority, too many foreign policies, and too many diplomats, each trying to enforce his own or his nation’s particular interests.

He admitted that the United Nations “however good it may be as a debating society may serve as a stepping stone to the real world government.”  The present peace period according to Dr. Adler is nothing but an “armed truce”.  He maintained that real peace in the world can only be achieved through elimination of what he called “small peaces.”  The latter he defined as peace treaties among one or several nations [sic] opposed to other nations or ideologies.

He specifically mentioned as an example (of small peaces) a recently proposed federation of capitalistic powers uniting against Communistic forces.  He said nationalism would have to play “a secondary role in any future world governments.”

Sovereign right which Dr. Adler divided into internal and external right, will have to be granted to the future world governments and to the national or sectional authorities respectively.  He said “this world government must have an armed force in order to execute law and legislative matters in order to preserve peace.”  He urged each individual to “contribute his share to the blueprint of the future world government by propagating its ideas and fundamental laws.”

Miss S. A. Murray was chairman of the meeting.

* The photo of Dr. Mortimer J. Adler was added by yours truly.

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EXTRA

ON THE SAME PAGE

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, 24 FEB 1947

“Peace or Perish”:  Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt 24 Feb 1947

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AFTERWORD

I WOULD HAVE LIKED TO BE THERE…

I would have liked to be there … when Adrien Arcand received his complimentary copy of the Montreal Gazette for 24 February 1947, containing part two of Kenneth Wright’s interview with him … and also containng a big push for World Government.

Madagascar or World Government? The Montreal Gazette of 24 February 1947.  Download the Gazette page.

What would Arcand have said?  Perhaps he’d have smiled wryly and returned to his portrait-painting or his violin.

On the same page with Arcand recommending quarantine for the Jews to save the white race from their “nefarious plotting”, the Montreal Gazette covers a Jew from New York pushing a “Christian socialist” world government on the “Loyola Ladies’ Auxiliary” and their guests.

And, side by side, like balls racked up in a billiard frame, is a “Peace or Perish!” ad with a big exclamation point.

We know what “Peace” means.  “Peace” is a stick-up, a protection racket, a code-word for “World Government”.  “World Government” or Perish!  Give us your guns, give us your legislative powers!  One world or none!  We rule, or everybody dies!

I think they dropped those bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki as a little demo to push their agenda.

And I am guessing that if Arcand analyzed the proposal of Mr. Adler for a “universal brotherhood of men” or “some sort of” ‘Christian socialist’ world government, Arcand would quote from an encyclical.  He was known to quote from Pope Pius XI.  Here’s what I think Arcand would have chosen for Mr. Adler.  Divini Redemptoris:

“Le communisme athée s’est montré au début, tel qu’il était, dans toute sa perversité, mais bien vite il s’est aperçu que de cette façon il éloignait de lui les peuples:  aussi a-t-il changé de tactique et s’efforce-t-il d’attirer les foules par toutes sortes de tromperies, en dissimulant ses propres desseins sous des idées en elles-mêmes bonnes et attrayantes.”

“In the beginning Communism showed itself for what it was in all its perversity; but very soon it realized that it was thus alienating the people.  It has therefore changed its tactics, and strives to entice the multitudes by trickery of various forms, hiding its real designs behind ideas that in themselves are good and attractive.”

Interesting that Adler should pinpoint “Christian socialism” while speaking in Canada, where the CCF is working on world government under just that brand.  Adler must know the Jews will not convert. But if the Christians become communists, big score for the Zionists.

In my post entitled “Canada’s Tax-Exempt Foundations:  A Look at the Ontario Woodsworth Memorial Foundation, the Praxis Research Institute and the roots of the federal NDP,” I noted that Arcand, in 1933, at page 43 of “Fascism or Socialism?” (Fascisme ou Socialisme ?), under the bold header, ‘There is no Christian Socialism’ (“Il n’y a pas de “socialisme chrétien”“), points out:

“Contrairement à ce que certains illusionnés prétendent, il n’y a ni ne peut y avoir de socialisme chrétien.  Ce mythe a été confondu par la plus haute autorité chrétienne, celle du Vatican, lorsque Pie X a condamné les erreurs du “Sillon”.  D’ailleurs, les grands doctrinaires du socialisme, entre autres Proudhon, Millerand, Jaurès, ont affirmé que toute prétention à un socialisme chrétien est aussi illusoire qu’idiote.”

“Contrary to what some illusionists claim, there is not nor can there be Christian socialism.  This myth was confounded by the highest Christian authority, that of the Vatican … Moreover, the great doctrinarians of socialism, among others Proudhon, Millerand, Jaurès, have affirmed that any claim to Christian socialism is as illusory as it is idiotic.”

The “illusionists” must be the CCF’ers, for Arcand was probably addressing himself to Woodsworth who founded the CCF in Calgary in 1932, the year before Arcand founded his National Social Christian Party in Quebec.

The Universal Republic (1950), Adrien Arcand

Adler spoke the previous night.  More speakers are coming this night, the 24th, from the world-government gang:  Coldwell of the communist CCF (mislabelled “Christian socialist”), and traitor Louis Saint-Laurent who just the previous year said:  “we can try to make of it (the UNO) the basis of the world government“; and featuring the widow of American traitor Roosevelt (the Jews’ asset) who lured Japan to attack Pearl Harbor so he could deliver the US to the war effort.

Not long after, in The Universal Republic (1950), Arcand will say:

Le Super-Gouvernement Mondial Nos chefs civils, à Ottawa, nous ont parlé plusieurs fois de la nécessité d’un super-gouvernement mondial, depuis qu’ils ont été embobinés à San Francisco, en 1945, par le texte Juif, rédigé par le Juif Harry White qui forme la charte des Nations-Unies.  Et tout leur travail, depuis cette date, a surtout consisté à nous inféoder toujours plus intimement sous l’autorité de l’O.N.U.  Ces chefs, pour la plupart francs-maçons, ne font que suivre la ligne de conduite dictée par les loges, elles-mêmes sous la coupe des Juifs.

The World Super- Government Our civil leaders in Ottawa have spoken to us many times of the necessity for a world super-government, since they were all wound up at San Francisco in 1945 by the Jewish text drafted by the Jew Harry White, which forms the Charter of the United Nations.  And all their work, from that date, has above all consisted in ever more tightly subordinating us to the authority of the U.N.O.  These leaders, for the most part Freemasons, are merely following the line of conduct dictated by the lodges, themselves under Jewish control.

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A portrait of Adrien Arcand by Someone who Knew Him: Ernst Zündel, with Tom Metzger on “Race and Reason”

Left to right:  A young Ernst Christof Friedrich Zündel, and Adrien Arcand, veteran of the Canadian concentration camps.  Arcand looks like the cat that ate the canary.  He’s very pleased with his new recruit.

ERNST ZÜNDEL
THE AWAKENING!

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A VIDEO TRANSCRIPT

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TOM METZGER:  I’m Tom Metzger, your host for Race and Reason, that longest-running racially oriented television show in the United States.

We are on now in over sixty cities across the country. And we keep producing.

Race and Reason is dedicated to total, absolute free speech.  That island of free speech in a sea of controlled and managed news.

And we’re glad to have you with us today, because we’re on the road again.  And today, we have a very interesting guest from Canada.

His name is Ernst Zündel.

He’s a writer, publisher, artist, and quite a figure in the press up in Canada.  So, welcome to the show, Ernst.  Good to have you with us.

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  Glad to be here.

TOM METZGER:  Ernst, most of the people, or some of the people, or maybe all the people, have not heard so much of Ernst Zündel in the United States.

Why are you such a controversial figure here in Canada?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  Basically, I became famous — or infamous — with a number of court cases.  Legal battles.  And, uh, that basically topped my fame.  I was uh, quite a well known artist. I sold over 700 paintings in Canada.  Hanging in some of the most famous places.  And uh, sold paintings to Japan; Johannesburg, South Africa; sold them to Germany.  So, the first part of my fame was for my art.

The second part of my fame was in the 60s when I was running for Prime Minister of Canada against the then later-leader, Pierre Elliott Trudeau.  Made it to the inner circle, to the shock and astonishment of all the pros in politics.

And then drifted out of things into the publishing field, published a number of controversial books, and eventually got sued by a Jewish woman, and she really made me a household word.

TOM METZGER:  Now, wait a minute, now.  Are, are you a German national?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  I’m, I was born in Germany —

TOM METZGER: — born in Germany.

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  Yeah.  Raised in Germany.  Left because I didn’t like to join America’s vassal army, the Foreign Legion that they created in Germany.

And I looked around the world, where I could go without having to put on a uniform and shoot my fellow men.  In those days, I was extremely liberal; I believed in all the propaganda the Allies had given us, and I was pacifist.

And I was raised a very strong Christian.  And I found in Canada, the country, the one country in the world at that time where they had no draft.  And so, I came here.

TOM METZGER:  So, you’re — here you are and you ran for public office, you’re an artist and you’re doing quite well, and paintings all over, all over the world.  But then, all of a sudden, you did something.  You, you were publishing, and you published books —

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  Well, I, I —

TOM METZGER: — what did you do that set the world on fire?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  Maybe it’s the name.  Zündel in German means to spark something.

[Laughter]

Zündel is the root word for a spark plug, and uh, ignition of a car, you know, it all has to do with Zündelism, so, uh —

No, actually, quite simply, I came to Canada, as I said, for conscience reasons.

And uh, loved Canada, enjoyed it here.  It was a wonderful country when I came here in 1958.  And, I was young, healthy, quickly married the French-Canadian girl that I met in night school when I was learning English and established a family.

Moved to Quebec, lived amongst French people for nine years in the province of Quebec.  Did my business in both French and English.  And uh —

TOM METZGER: — Now, so far, we’re not very controversial —

Ernst Zündel, Adrien Arcand

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  No, no, no.  But, I, I, I met a French-Canadian man in Quebec who was known as the Hitler of Canada.

And uh, he was a man known to Adolf Hitler.  He was the leader of the largest political movement in the thirties and forties in Canada, called the Unity, National Unity Party of Canada.  At one time, they had a swastika as their national emblem.

And, uh, he turned me — within a three-and-a-half-hour session — into a German.

I was so guilty, up until that moment, I felt so terribly guilty for what German people allegedly had done, that I wanted to forget that I was a German.

And here, this, in this far-away land, this man of French-Canadian origin, who had been an editor of one of the large newspapers in Quebec, turned me into a German who was proud of his country, proud of his heritage, and started me out on a quest that I had no idea that I was getting into.

But he made such an impression on me, after that three-and-a-half-hour detoxification, or, or whatever you want to call it —

TOM METZGER: — This, this must have been quite a man.

Now, here you are, you’re a pacifist.  You’ve come to the United States [Canada] because you — and you obviously believed everything that the Allies had said about Germany.  You come here, and you’re married, and you’re an artist, and uh, and you meet one man, and what was his name?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  His name was Adrien Arcand.

And he spent, himself, seven years — six-and-a-half years [five years and three months] in a Canadian concentration camp.

TOM METZGER:  During the forties?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  During the, well, immediately when the war broke out, they arrested him without trial and kept him in Canadian concentration camps as a prisoner of war.

He showed me the mail that he would get from his wife, and it said “Prisonnier de guerre“, Prisoner of war, in his own country.

TOM METZGER:  Now, you must — this man must have been one great salesman.

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  He, well, he was — I consider him one of the geniuses that I have met in my life.  He spoke seven languages, he spoke fluent German, he could speak English, Hebrew, Greek that he had taught himself.

He was also quite an artist.  He was a brilliant writer, and a magnificent orator.

That man was a Canadian genius.

And he really did turn me around.  I was, it was my great fortune to have met him.

TOM METZGER:  So, in, briefly, how did he peel this guilt away?

ERNST ZÜNDEL:  It was really quite simple. He had a huge library, of uh, in many different languages, three of which I spoke:  German, English, French.  And, uh, he was very clever in pointing out historical events using Jewish sources.  When he knew the sting would be for me to react negatively towards the argument, he would bring a Jewish source, you know, it made it easier for me to accept it.  Or bring an English source, or bring an American source, you know.

It was a magnificent — that man had deep insight into human beings.  He was a very moral man, a very deeply spiritual, deeply Christian man, like many French-Canadians are.

And, uh, he set me on the right path.  I’m forever grateful.  Whatever happens to me in this country — whatever else happens to me — I mean, all the bombs, and the spitting at, and being punched out, and going to jail, and being dragged through the courts, that man made it worth it.

– 30 –

This part of segment one ends @ 6 minutes 50 seconds in.

The whole film is 56 minutes, 25 seconds, in two big segments.  Download the full-length video to enjoy the rest.

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‘Stronger Than Ever Here’ is Arcand’s Fascist Boast, Montreal Gazette (22 February 1947)

ADRIEN ARCAND, leader of Canada’s National Unity (Fascist) Party, is shown above at his home in Lanoraie working on a portrait.  Arcand learned painting during his five years in an internment camp during the war, and now augments his income by it, earning the remainder of his money by commercial translation.  (Gazette Photo by Davidson.)

‘Stronger Than Ever Here’ is Arcand’s Fascist Boast

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His Attitude Supporting Anti-Semitism Not Dampened By Internment During the War; Claims Contact With Groups in Other Nations

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By Kenneth G. Wright

THE MONTREAL GAZETTE, 22 FEB 1947

(Following is the first of three articles by Kenneth G. Wright, Gazette staff writer, on Adrien Arcand, Canadian Fascist leader who was interned for five years.)

Read Part 2.  Read Part 3.

(Copyright 1947)

The National Unity Party headed by Adrien Arcand, who as a
violently anti-semitic exponent of Canadian Fascism was interned for five years during the war, is stronger than ever, Arcand declared yesterday.

“I am in communication with people who think as I do in Great Britain, New Zealand, South Africa, the United States and other countries.  In Canada we have grown tenfold.  When we are going to take advantage of that growth is a tactical question.”

I first met Adrien Arcand in 1937 when, in the course of my duties as a newspaperman, I attended early secret meetings of the then National Christian Socialist [sic] Party’s blue-shirted “legions.”  I recently spent many hours with him at his home at Lanoraie, Que., listening to him propound his theory that the Jews are responsible for most of the ills of the world.  I am convinced he is perfectly sincere in his statement that “my beliefs are stronger than ever and I have been most happy to suffer for them.”

Nor is he afraid of any further punitive action against him or his followers.

Claims Party Legal

“You must remember our party is now perfectly legal.  Neither the Royal Canadian Mounted Police nor the laws of Canada forbid it.  I am still the duly elected leader of the party in Canada.  The other leaders and the thinkers who were with me when I formed the party are with me today, and there are more people in the country who think as I do than there were before the war.  We have not gone backward a single step.  We have merely changed our tactics.”

Broadly speaking, the party’s change in tactics has been to work quietly where 10 years ago they were beginning to come into the open.  For the time being at least there will be no more blue shirts, no more public meetings.

Arcand has been Fascist-minded since the early 1930’s — at least that is when his anti-semitic ideas crystallized.  By profession he is a newspaperman, and according to his confrères a good one.  Born 48 years ago in Montreal, he is of French-Canadian-Scottish descent.  He attended primary schools here, and after studying philosophy at St. Mary’s College, took up chemical engineering with private tutors.  But illness forced him to abandon this.  He started newspaper work with La Patrie as a proofreader and later as a reporter.  He was also for 15 years secretary to his father, the organizer for the American Federation of Labor Carpenters’ and Joiners’ Union.  He was with the Montreal Daily Star for a short time as political reporter, and then for many years on La Presse, from which newspaper he was fired, he says, in 1929, for helping to organize a professional syndicate of newspapermen, an example of his early leanings to corporatism.

Corporate Views

Today, he believes newspapermen should be a group in the corporate state, electing one or more of their fellows to a parliament at Ottawa, setting, with the publishers (who should be another corporate group) their wages and the prices at which newspapers and advertising should be sold.

The doctors, the lawyers and similar professional men have corporate groups in this province — why not everybody?” he asks.

After leaving La Presse he helped found or was active in several anti-Jewish weeklies, including Le Patriote, Le Miroir and the Combat National, the latter the organ of his party.

He came into the open with his blueshirt party in the early months of 1938, and held meetings in Montreal, largely in the east end, as well as in Toronto.  At one in Maisonneuve Market in August, 1938, he forecast that:  “Success will crown our efforts in June, 1940, in a march on Ottawa.”¹  A month before that date he was interned for violation² of the Defence of Canada Regulations.

Five years and five weeks later he was released and today lives with his wife and three sons, the oldest of whom volunteered for active service with the Canadian Army on reaching his 19th birthday, and was on a draft for overseas when the war ended.³  Arcand himself holds the King’s commission as a lieutenant in the Regiment de Chateauguay (Reserve).  He lives quietly in a modest but comfortable home at Lanoraie, 40 miles down the north shore of the St. Lawrence from Montreal, making his living, he says, by painting portraits and by translation.

Blames Jews

He holds his internment against neither the people of Canada nor the government.

“I hold it only against the Jews — I know where the pressure which was brought to bear came from.”

He sees nothing disloyal in his actions, in fact he believes he is acting loyally to Canada in attacking Judaism.  At the national convention of the party in Kingston, Ont., July 1, 1938, at which he was elected leader and where the National Christian Socialist [sic] Party’s swastika emblem was changed to the National Unity Party’s flaming torch, he sent a telegram of loyalty to the Governor-General.  Today he expresses immense admiration for British institutions and history as a “civilizing force.”  He wants to save the Empire for himself and his fellow Canadians by, he says, “taking it out of the hands of the Jews who are slowly gaining control of it to smash it.”

__________
(Download a free copy of the original article, “Stronger Than Ever Here”.)

FOOTNOTES

1.  In 1938, war hadn’t been declared yet; and federal elections were ultimately called for March 26, 1940; so Arcand’s “march on Ottawa” was a figure of speech for the slogan in his 1938 party brochure on corporatism, “Heading for Ottawa!”.  The 1945 federal election was held in June; the 1940 election seems to have been held a couple of months early.

2.  “Alleged” violation; no violation was ever proved, he had no trial.  And after the war, it was admitted that there was no evidence.  I’ll go into this in more detail in the Memorandum and Request ebook and post that I’m still developing.

3.  We have a fact that needs to be checked.  David Rajotte of Library and Archives Canada seems to have been under the impression that Arcand’s eldest son (Yves) had in fact gone to war.  In his research article, “L’État canadien contre le Parti de l’unité nationale et Adrien Arcand” (“The Canadian State Versus The National Unity Party And Adrien Arcand”), Rajotte says:  “Le fils aîné d’Arcand a aussi rejoint l’armée en 1944” (“Arcand’s eldest son also joined the army in 1944.”)  And at his footnote 59 attached to that statement, Rajotte says:

Les dossiers de service des soldats ayant servi durant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale ne sont accessibles au public que 20 ans après la mort du militaire.  Yves Arcand étant décédé en 2002, il n’est pas encore possible de connaître ses faits d’armes exacts. Voir: Anonyme, «Notice nécrologique de Yves Arcand», L’expression de Lanaudière, 29 septembre 2002, p. 60.

The service records of soldiers who served during the Second World War are only accessible to the public 20 years after the death of the soldier. Yves Arcand died in 2002, it is not yet possible to know his exact feats of arms. See: Anonymous, “Yves Arcand’s obituary”, L’expression de Lanaudière, September 29, 2002, p. 60.

The proper cite for that article would be:  Rajotte, D. (2018). L’État canadien contre le Parti de l’unité nationale et Adrien
Arcand. Bulletin d’histoire politique, 26 (3), 189–211.
https://doi.org/10.7202/1046920ar