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Printing Denied Please download the Free eBook

Printing Denied!  Please download the Free eBook before the Joos take it offline.  Download all our free stuff, please, quickly!


Poor Adrien Arcand.  On Wednesday, July 11th, 2018, in my sub-post entitled “Great News!  Wikipedia Has Banned This Web Site”, I explained how this web site had been banned as “spam” by Wikipedia.  I have not given you news of the bannings that have occurred since then.  Let me sum them up from late 2018 until today.

Down With Hate! (that’s the original name of this web site because of the main hosted book) has now been squelched by Wiki-bloody-pedia, Jootube, Scribd, Calaméo.  And, print-production of The Universal Republic as an academic resource in libraries was hotly denied by a Quebec book producer with an office in France to serve Europe.  The publisher must be run by “Friends of the French Revolution”.

The refusal arrived from Jordan for Rapido’s self-publishing service, complete with left-wing mantra:  “we reserve the right to refuse to assist in the publication of writings that express racist, sexist, homophobic, or generally discriminatory or violent discourse”.  And, big bonus, he spelled Holocaust wrong.  I’m gonna give you that quote from Jordan verbatim so you can enjoy it:

Rapido Books: Jordan

As I have come to learn, Adrian Arcand was (October 3, 1899 – August 1, 1967) was a Montreal journalist who led a series of fascist political movements between 1929 and his death in 1967.  During his political career, he proclaimed himself the Canadian Furher.  He was a proponent of anti-Semitic discourse, as well as being a haulocaust denier.

Those of us who use dictionaries are being censored by those who do not.  Those of us who read the academic journals are being censored by those who read … Wikipedia.  I sent Jordan a little clip from Fahrenheit 451 in gratitude (Montag the Fireman torching books), and a link to the Venom and Vomit gallery of mass-murders by Palestinian “Homeland Deniers,” the Zionist Occupiers, for obviously Jordan is concerned with “violence” and “anti-Semitic discourse”.

The number of outlets to sell printed books online also has been drastically reduced.  Amazon formerly refused to ban books, but has changed its policy under pressure from … the Joos.  Amazon, and others in its wake, will now ban any work that questions the official line on the Holocaust, or speaks disrespectfully of the mass-murdering terrorists in Israel.

Therefore, it’s pretty much useless to sign up for Kindle Direct Publishing (with Amazon).  The new Amazon policy of banning freedom of inquiry has a cascading effect on other small publishers as well who affiliate with Amazon.

And don’t think they’re reading it first; they don’t weigh the arguments in the books before they burn them.  They ban them because a behemoth with too much power for our own good doesn’t “like” the books and doesn’t tolerate views counter to its own.

So, History has taken a big hit, because if free speech is denied, you can’t think; if you can’t think, you can’t counterpunch; if you can’t counterpunch, you are a slave.

Summing it up:  Between 2018 and today, Adrien Arcand Books has been stealth-banned by Scribd; deleted by JooTube, turfed by Calaméo, denied print production by Rapido, and blocked as spam by the bots at Wikipedia.

Just the other day, I was reading how someone had his controversial book print-produced in China because the Chinese couldn’t read the contents.  I may have to do that with Arcand.  Here’s “The Universal Republic” in Chinese:

环球共和国 Huánqiú gònghéguó

What can I say? Subscribe while you still can!
Que puis-je dire? Abonnez-vous tant que vous le pouvez!

New eBook:  National Unity Party of Canada (NUPC) Internment Research 1940

  The PDF version is now online. It’s only 17 MB.  26 Sept. 2019.

This is a new type of eBook from Adrien Arcand Books.  This is bona fide, primary source, raw, declassified research material, authenticated by the Ottawa Archives.  Declassified except for parts that are still redacted.

NUPC Internment Archive (1940). Download it at (The Internet Archive).

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at (The Internet Archive).

NUPC Internment Research 1940 (Cover)

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at (The Internet Archive).

These are just some of the declassified papers in Ottawa concerning the 1940 (illegal) internment of Adrien Arcand and his men.  We know from his Memorandum and Request (1957) that he was interned because Roosevelt (FDR) ordered it.  There’s a lot more material out there that needs to be included in this research.  I don’t have the budget for it all, just yet.

There is a bit of junk in this archive, not directly related to the internments.  For example, the RCMP memos on a Mr. J.C. MacCorkindale.  However, it is searchable.  The found searches are highlighted in red and yellow (see below).

Most of these documents are in English.  Most are by the federal government.  But you will notice that the Government of Quebec of that day also had a hand in the file, and did nothing for these innocent men — nothing that appears here, at any rate.  The Quebec government simply handed them over, denying Quebec had jurisdiction.

NUPC Internment Archive (1940). Download it at (The Internet Archive).

NUPC Internment Archive (1940).  Download it at (The Internet Archive).

This is a big download, 202 MB when zipped, and it may be a bit slow loading and working on your PC, if you have an old one like I do.  To try to keep the file-size down, the final eBook holds only 30 pages in memory at any time, so be patient while it loads.  Sometimes, the front cover may go white.  I don’t know what to do about it, you’ll just have to reload the execute file if you want to see the front cover again.

If you download via torrent, please seed for awhile, help to keep it out there for others.  Thank you.

Because of the size of the download, I’ve hosted it directly at the Internet Archive ( “NUPC Internment Research 1940”.

So, download and enjoy this very unusual eBook of primary source material on the 1940 internment of Adrien Arcand and his men.  Please let me know if you have a problem downloading this file; or if there is any problem with the file once downloaded.  It’s an execute file, a flash flipbook.  In a day or two, I hope to be able to put up PDF and ePub, as well.

I chose the dark wood background for this eBook as reminiscent of the camps.  I hope you enjoy the effect.

My description of this item at reads as follows:

NUPC, the “National Unity Party of Canada” and Adrien Arcand and his men are the subject of the present file of federal government of Canada and RCMP documents on their 1940 internments (without trial).  The internements were carried out on the orders of F.D.R., aka Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the American President of the day.  Arcand was warned of FDR’s demand for his internment by a spokesman sent to him in Montreal by Lord Lothian, British Ambassador in Washington some 30 days before the arrests took place. That information comes from Arcand’s own 1957 “Memorandum and Request” that you can read online at or go directly to:

It can therefore safely be assumed that Arcand and his men — who after the end of WWII, and even at the beginning, are known to be innocent of any charge at all — were FRAMED by the Federal Government of Canada to please an American President. Innocent men were interned for years, and one died. Decent Canadians and their families were abused by their own governments to please a foreign government.

The research file you are looking at here consists of scans by Library and Archives Canada of an original federal government & RCMP file at the time of the internments.

I haven’t forgotten.  I still owe you the Memorandum and Request eBook, and an Editorial on the 74th Anniversary of Arcand’s release from internment.  Please accept this in the meantime, it was finished back in late July, but I haven’t a chance to finalize the Editorial or the other eBook.

Subscribe, if you haven’t already done so!

Abonnez-vous, si vous ne l’avez pas déjà fait!

New eBook: The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction (1950; 1967), Adrien Arcand

This eBook, along with Canadian Corporatism and other materials to come, marks the 74th Anniversary of the release of Adrien Arcand on July 3rd 1945 from the “longest internment of its kind in the whole British Empire”.  The elements of the celebration are going up one at a time.  Please come back on July 3rd to enjoy them all, and make sure you get your free downloads.
The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction, Adrien Arcand (1950, 1967) Flash flipbook

The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction by Adrien Arcand was drafted at least as early as 1950, and marked for publication in 1967.  Download the new free eBook:  Flash flipbook, PDF and ePub, all in one zip file.

The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction by Adrien Arcand was drafted at least as early as 1950, and marked for publication in 1967.  Download the new free eBook:  a Flash flipbook, PDF and ePub, all in one zip file.

These Two Must be Read Together!

In finalizing an ebook text for The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction, 1967, my research has allowed me to date the original text to at least 1950, the year when Arcand wrote The Universal Republic.  My research also brought to light a Papal Encyclical of Leo XIII from 1891 which appears to be a foundation for Arcand’s notion of Canadian Corporatism.  All has been explained in my Foreword to the new free eBook, which must be read together with Canadian Corporatism to understand what Arcand was doing, and why he was doing it.  In other words, he wasn’t copying Hitler; he was trying to fulfill the social recommendations of the Catholic Church, in the fight against Communism.

In summary, Arcand seems to have been trying to reestablish the old “abolished” trade guilds on a new footing within a new “protective” structure, his Christian corporate state.  You will see in the eBook that my Foreword and footnotes underscore Arcand’s resort to Catholic doctrine.

I already gave you the French and new English text of “Inevitability” on December 16th, 2018.  I will give you the new Foreword, below.  And you will have to read the eBook to get the footnotes.






L’inévitabilité d’une Reconstruction Sociale by Adrien Arcand was translated by turns in January, September and December of 2018 using a non-official transcript offered in a zip folder online at Balder Ex Libris.1  The transcript looks like an “Aaargh” document, captured and reproduced by somebody else.  The document is dated and signed at the end of the publication:  “février 1967 Adrien ARCAND”.

A catalogue entry at the Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec for a published version of “L’inévitabilité”—described as a 7-page printed book (call number 302.3 A668i 1970, “for consultation only”)—attributes the publication to Adrien Arcand’s Parti de l’Unité nationale du Canada, Service de Librairie.  Date of publication is guessed at in the catalogue entry as somewhere in the 1970s.

<i>Inévitabilité</i>, brouillon (draft) 1950.  Special Collections, Adrien Arcand Collection

Inévitabilité, brouillon (draft) 1950.  Special Collections, Adrien Arcand Collection, Vanier Campus, Concordia University, Montreal.

However, a typed draft of “L’inévitabilité” on long paper with a handwritten date of “—1950—” (in dashes) on the first page above the title, was found among Arcand’s papers in Special Collections at Concordia University.  A copy was purchased on June 4th, 2019.  The fifth and last page of the typed draft bears Arcand’s handwritten initials, “A.A.” at the bottom.  The first writing of “L’inévitabilité” may thus have been closer to the known date of The Universal Republic, also from 1950.

The English translation of “L’inévitabilité” was first published online in blog-post format on 16 December 2018 by Adrien Arcand Books using the Balder transcript.

Dated February 1967, “L’inévitabilité” seems to cap Arcand’s two short essays published in 1966, Communism Installed Here and The Revolt of Materialism.  Extremely important, “Inevitability” makes plain and comprehensible the Catholic nature of Adrien Arcand’s political program for Canada, his Canadian Corporatism.  The two should be read together.

The present English eBook has been re-paragraphed to match the 1950 typed draft.  Slight differences between Arcand’s typed version and the Balder version are accounted for in the footnotes to the present English edition, online as a Flash flipbook, PDF, and ePub.  A change made to the English text since December 2018 has been footnoted.

A major difference between the 1950 typed draft and the Balder document dated February 1967 is the addition in the latter of two extracts attributed to Pope Leo XIII.  On Saturday, 22 June 2019 at 10:59 a.m., a reference librarian at the Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec advised by email that the 7-page printed book in their collection indeed begins with the two-part quote of Pope Leo XIII.

The source of the papal quote is not given, but it can be traced to an Encyclical at the Vatican web site.  The precise identification of the quote is important to understanding Arcand, as I realized on tracking down the Encyclical.  Arcand had a prodigious memory and apparently typed non-stop for hours without consulting documents.  Elsewhere, he quotes a long extract from an article by Churchill, almost verbatim, with small changes that indicate he was quoting from memory.  In like style, as we will see, he quoted Leo XIII from memory, with a few substitutions of words, while maintaining the meaning of the original statement from which the quote derives.



Arcand’s two-part quote is from the Papal Encyclical of May 15th, 1891 entitled “Rerum Novarum, Lettre Encyclique de Sa Sainteté Pape Léon XIII” in French and “Rerum Novarum, Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on Capital and Labor”—a slightly different English title for the same Encyclical.  Both are online at the Vatican.  An author by the name of Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu presents the Encyclical under the rubric “socialism and democracy”.  In other words, the Church under Leo XIII is trying to deal with the rise of Communism.  Likewise Arcand, in his day.

We can see that Arcand was quoting from Rerum Novarum by comparing his rendering of the French with the Vatican’s official text.  There is only one slight difference in the first excerpt:  Arcand said “une solution efficace”; the Church said:  “jamais une solution”.

Arcand, February 1967

Vatican, 2019

“La question qui s’agite, est
d’une nature telle qu’à moins
de faire appel à la religion et à
l’Église, il est impossible de lui
trouver une solution efficace.”

“La question qui s’agite est
d’une nature telle, qu’à moins
de faire appel à la religion et à
l’Eglise, il est impossible de lui
trouver jamais une solution.

Arcand, February 1967

Vatican, 2019

“Assurément, une cause de
cette gravité demande encore à
d’autres agents leur part
d’activité et d’efforts; nous
voulons parler des gouvernants,
des maîtres et des riches, des
ouvriers eux-mêmes dont le
sort est ici en jeu.”

“Assurément, une question de
cette gravité demande encore à
d’autres agents leur part
d’activité et d’efforts. Nous
voulons parler des chefs d’État,
des patrons et des riches, des
ouvriers eux-mêmes dont le
sort est ici en jeu.”

For the second part of the quote, Arcand is obviously writing from memory.  He says “cause” instead of “question,” he says “gouvernants” instead of “chefs d’État” and “maîtres” instead of “patrons”.  He frequently uses “gouvernants” in his work, and I usually translate that as “rulers”.  But the fact he recalls a good approximation of the original Encyclical is significant.  It proves he knows at least parts of them, if not whole Encyclicals, by heart.  Which would be no surprise for a priestly Catholic who had managed to convert a Protestant minister while interned in a concentration camp in WWII.  (For the anecdote, see page 14, A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand, free ebook.)

We now turn to the topic of the Encyclical from which Arcand is quoting, “Capital and Labor”.

In the English version of the Encyclical, subtitled “Rights and Duties of Capital and Labor,” we have the purpose of the Church:  “to speak on the condition of the working classes” “to define the relative rights and mutual duties of the rich and of the poor, of capital and of labor” because (and I’m piecing this together from different parts of the opening paragraphs) “the spirit of revolutionary change, which has long been disturbing the nations of the world,” has “passed beyond the sphere of politics and made its influence felt in the cognate sphere of practical economics”.  How does Arcand begin his Canadian Corporatism?  He calls it “A formula for economic and social reorganization”.  In Inevitability, he critiques “political liberalism” as the cause of “economic liberalism”.  And, he says, “Economic liberalism causes social harm through its contempt for the human being…”. (Italics added.)

Then, says the Pope, “the responsibility of the apostolic office urges us to treat the question of set purpose and in detail, in order that no misapprehension may exist as to the principles which truth and justice dictate for its settlement.”  The question being treated is what are the “rights and duties of capital and labor”.  The Pope says:  “Public institutions and the laws set aside the ancient religion.”  (A possible reference to the French Revolution.)  The Pope continues:  “Hence, by degrees it has come to pass that working men have been surrendered, isolated and helpless, to the hardheartedness of employers and the greed of unchecked competition.” (Italics added.)

Says Arcand in Canadian Corporatism:  “Under financial democracy a very large number of our workers after thirty or forty years of honest labour find themselves to-day less advanced than they were when they began their career, having been constantly exploited as employees and as consumers, left without defence at the mercy of middlemen or cunning swindlers; their lives have been ruined.”  Arcand’s “left without defence” echoes the Pope stating “isolated and helpless”. And, Arcand says: “No longer will the great international monopolies fix the prices. It is the national corporation itself, under the supervision of the government which must prevent all and any abuse.” And again: “The producer can live, can devote himself to his specialty without fear of ruin. He can count on the stability of business and the consumer is protected against any exploitation.”

I’m not going to go into a full analysis here of the relevance of Rerum Novarum to Arcand’s views, and to his design of Corporatism for Canada.  But note that in Canadian Corporatism Arcand refers to the “guilds”, and in the Encyclical (Rerum Novarum) the Pope says:  “some opportune remedy must be found quickly for the misery and wretchedness pressing so unjustly on the majority of the working class:  for the ancient workingmen’s guilds were abolished in the last century, and no other protective organization took their place.”   (Italics added.)

This is the kind of sentence I would want to use as a point of departure in analyzing Adrien Arcand’s motives for advancing Canadian Corporatism, in which he says:  “Corporatism also is totalitarian, exacting discipline, rules, structures, in everything and everywhere.  It is not the State which fixes these rules and these structures, it is the guilds of National activities which give them to themselves, the State approves.”  (See page 12 in the free eBook.) (Italics added.)

Is Arcand not re-establishing the abolished “guilds” within a new “protective organization” (the State) whose job is to protect, to prevent abuse?  In his Canadian Corporatism, does he not include everyone, all the social classes, to achieve that “settlement,” the “remedy” the Pope said necessary for the new industrial society, to protect and render justice to every social class, most of whom would be liquidated in an orgy of bloodshed by the Communists, on the rise at the time of Leo XIII, and costing millions of lives in Arcand’s time.  Israeli commentator, Sever Plocker, in his article “Stalin’s Jews,” remarks:  “We cannot know with certainty the number of deaths Cheka was responsible for in its various manifestations, but the number is surely at least 20 million, including victims of the forced collectivization, the hunger, large purges, expulsions, banishments, executions, and mass death at Gulags.”  And further on, “Whole population strata were eliminated:  Independent farmers, ethnic minorities, members of the bourgeoisie, senior officers, intellectuals, artists, labor movement activists, ‘opposition members’ who were defined completely randomly, and countless members of the Communist party itself.”  “And us, the Jews?  An Israeli student finishes high school without ever hearing the name “Genrikh Yagoda,” the greatest Jewish murderer of the 20th Century, the GPU’s deputy commander and the founder and commander of the NKVD.  Yagoda diligently implemented Stalin’s collectivization orders and is responsible for the deaths of at least 10 million people.  His Jewish deputies established and managed the Gulag system.  After Stalin no longer viewed him favorably, Yagoda was demoted and executed, and was replaced as chief hangman in 1936 by Yezhov, the “bloodthirsty dwarf.”  “Yezhov was not Jewish but was blessed with an active Jewish wife.  In his Book “Stalin:  Court of the Red Star”, Jewish historian Sebag Montefiore writes that during the darkest period of terror, when the Communist killing machine worked in full force, Stalin was surrounded by beautiful, young Jewish women.”2

Oddly, Arcand’s critics are all opposed not to the communist butchers and the Jewish killing machine, but to Adrien Arcand, who feared that what happened there would happen here.  To-day, as then, pink and red pick-aparts call Arcand “far right,” “anti-Semitic,” “intolerant,” and an anticommunist “bigot”.  But where are the epithets for Stalin’s Jews?  And all the others?

As to Arcand’s unitary corporate State, I leave it to you, the researcher, to deepen the questions.   To do so, you will have to be or become familiar with Papal Encyclicals, Catholic doctrine, Thomas Aquinas, historical context.  All these play into Arcand’s motives.  I think it obvious that Arcand was a devout Catholic trying to restructure society in light of statements by the Popes, to save us from Communism.  As will be seen in the footnotes to Inevitability, Arcand cites Aquinas to support his own reestablishment of a unitary parliament for Canada, free of political parties, free of partisan politics through undivided leadership.

The researcher will have to distinguish Arcand’s abolition of political parties from that of Hitler.  And also ask why an RCMP report on Arcand’s National Social Christian Party stated that it was “undoubtedly organized along the lines of Hitlerism”.  (See the first paragraph of the section “L’avant-guerre” in David Rajotte, “L’État canadien contre le Parti de l’unité nationale et Adrien Arcand”.  Bulletin d’histoire politique, 26(3), 189–211. doi:10.7202/1046920ar.)

Arcand’s inspiration for his military-style organization might be Catholic, it might be from Hitler, who was widely admired prior to WWII.  Whatever Arcand’s military-type of organization, it ought to be distinguished from the apparently Catholic-inspired reorganization of society and of the State proposed by Arcand in Canadian Corporatism.  Self-labeling for “success” by copying a patriotic brand that was popular elsewhere at the time should be placed in perspective, in context on a timeline, beside Arcand’s obviously Church-inspired Corporatism.  Arcand’s early borrowing of symbols (swastika) and titles (Führer) may have misled non-Catholics not steeped in Biblical roots, Encyclicals, or Thomas Aquinas into believing that everything about Arcand was merely a matter of duplicating the German package, or whatever simplistic views were thought to be the package.

This is tricky work, but intellectual integrity and dignity, for Arcand, for the men and women of his Legions, for his disciples and followers, and for the researcher, require that it be done. Said Arcand, in his Inevitability:  “[L]ife is vibrant reality, influencing and influenced”.  For the sake of History, the researcher must clarify Arcand’s own “vibrant reality” rather than impose upon him, after-the-fact, a backhanded and subjective one, whether individual or collective.

In addition to Encyclicals and Aquinas, I recommend the annotated, beautifully embellished, multi-volume Latin and French-language King James version of the Catholic Bible, the “Crampon” Bible, scans of which are online at French Catholic web sites.  Arcand quotes from the Crampon from time to time.

1.  I am using the Balder  version and Arcand’s own draft from Special Collections at Concordia for this eBook because a price of $35 per page was quoted to me by email by the BAnQ to scan the 7-page published booklet, plus covers.  That is several times what it cost me in June 2019 to get a couple of hundred pages out of Arcand’s papers at Concordia University.  It just isn’t within my budget, so I am using whatever is reasonable that I can get my hands on.

2.  “Stalin’s Jews / We mustn’t forget that some of greatest murderers of modern times were Jewish,” By Sever Plocker  |Published:  12.21.06, 23:35,7340,L-3342999,00.html

The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction, Adrien Arcand (front cover)

The Inevitability of a Social Reconstruction, back cover


(Above, front cover, back cover.)  These are important footnotes.  I’m giving them here so they will be picked up by the search engines, for researchers.

Footnote 1:  The mission of the translator, as I conceive it, is to put into English what Adrien Arcand wrote.  He quotes Pope Leo XIII, obviously from memory, as will be shown below.  I will therefore translate Arcand (above), and also give you the official French and English of the Vatican.  First quotation, official Vatican French:  “La question qui s’agite est d’une nature telle, qu’à moins de faire appel à la religion et à l’Eglise, il est impossible de lui trouver jamais une solution.” — Rerum Novarum (15 mai 1891).  Official Vatican English:  “… for no practical solution of this question will be found apart from the intervention of religion and of the Church.”  Second quotation, official Vatican French:  “Assurément, une question de cette gravité demande encore à d’autres agents leur part d’activité et d’efforts.  Nous voulons parler des chefs d’État, des patrons et des riches, des ouvriers eux-mêmes dont le sort est ici en jeu.”; and official Vatican English:  “Doubtless, this most serious question demands the attention and the efforts of others besides ourselves – to wit, of the rulers of States, of employers of labor, of the wealthy, aye, of the working classes themselves, for whom We are pleading.” — Rerum Novarum (May 15, 1891)

Footnote 2:  Arcand spelled the word “ex-équer” in French, with a deliberate hyphen.

Footnote 3:  In paragraph 2 of a one-page letter dated 13 June 1963 to Hon. Daniel Johnson, Q.C., Leader of the Opposition, Arcand said (translation):  “What caused the rapid and sad destruction of Social Credit recently was the simultaneous existence of two heads, a titular head and an assistant head, one saying white, the other saying black.  Double “leadership” can be the most toxic and deadly imaginable in any organization.  Do we see an assistant Pope in the Church, an assistant Colonel in a regiment, an assistant Commander aboard a ship, etc.?  Authority, in principle, must be (according to Saint Thomas Aquinas) personal, single, continual and not divided.” French original:  “Ce qui a fait la rapide et triste destruction du Crédit Social dernièrement, c’est l’existence de deux têtes simultanées, un chef en titre et un chef adjoint, l’un disant blanc quand l’autre disait noir.  Le double “chefferie” est ce qu’il peut y avoir de plus nocif et funeste en toute organisation imaginable.  Voyons-nous un pape adjoint dans l’Église, un colonel adjoint dans un régiment, un commandant adjoint à bord d’un navire, etc.?  L’autorité, en principe, doit être (suivant s. Thomas d’Aquin) personnelle, une, constante et sans partage.”  Source:  Arcand, Adrien.  Letter from Lanoraie, P.Q., [13 June 1963], (C004).  Box number 002, Item number 1123.  Adrien Arcand Collection.  Concordia University Library, Special Collections, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.  Arcand’s idea of a unitary, “undivided” Parliament, and his basic notion of authority appear to come from the Italian Catholic theologian and Doctor of the Church, Thomas Aquinas, and not from Hitler.  Pierre Trépanier was evidently right in 1991 when he said (translation):   “One of these possibilities would be that the single-party regime—corporatism and anti-Semitism in the actualization that Arcand would have given them—would have been subordinated to divine law, the control of the Hierarchy, and to the teachings of the social doctrine of the Church.  The French-Canadian version of fascism would have been much closer to a sort of authoritarian and modern Christendom than to the Third Reich.”  Source:  “La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand,” Les Cahiers dex dix (46), 207–247.  ( 10.7202/1015587ar) (Religion in the thought of Adrien Arcand)  A tiny French booklet that I happen to have, Saint Thomas et Nous, by the Fondation St. Thomas d’Aquin du Canada in Montreal (1966), at page 10 informs us (translation:) “In any case, the facts are there:  the Encyclical Aeterni Patris, dated 4 August 1879, ordered all Christian schools to restore the wisdom of Saint Thomas and to propagate it as widely as possible.  On 4 August 1880, while establishing Saint Thomas as the patron of studies, the same Pope recalled his Encyclical of 1879:  Sur la restauration dans les écoles catholiques de la philosophie chrétienne selon l’esprit du Docteur Angélique, saint Thomas d’Aquin.  [Vatican’s English:  “Aeterni Patris, Encyclical Of Pope Leo XIII, On The Restoration Of Christian Philosophy”]  Says the booklet:  “No doubt is thus possible, Thomism is absolutely the ‘official’ philosophy of the Church.  We add that no Pope has revoked this decree of Leo XIII.”  It also would be hard to doubt that Adrien Arcand’s Corporatism for Canada is a Christian system.

Footnote 4:  In the Balder document, the phrase “qu’il y a l’anti-christianisme messianique,” replaces the phrase “qu’il y a la Juiverie mondiale” in the typed manuscript hand-dated “1950“.  In other words, the phrase “that there is messianic anti-Christianity” in the known public version replaced the phrase “that there is world Jewry” in the 1950 typed draft.  The change clarifies what Arcand means when he says “world Jewry”, while maintaining and accentuating the contrasting of opposites, i.e., “universal Freemasonry or the Counter-Church” contrasted, by implication, with the universal Catholic church.

Footnote 5:  In the typed draft dated 1950, the phrase given was:  “Nos sociologues catholiques attaquent avec beaucoup de vigueur” (our Catholic sociologists vigourously attack”.

Footnote 6:  It is obvious that Adrien Arcand’s Corporatism is Christian in character.  Reading his manuscript, Canadian Corporatism, we can see what he is aiming at in the last days of his life while publishing “Inevitability”.  The “great Chris-tian,” Arcand, “desires its triumph”.

Footnote 7:  The phrase “de leurs successeurs socialistes, communistes et marxistes” in the Balder version replaces the phrase “de leurs successeurs socialistes et communistes” in the 1950 typed draft.

Footnote 8:  In the 1950 manuscript, Arcand says:  “En attendant, ce sont encore les poisons des Encyclopédistes, de leurs successeurs socialistes et communistes, qui se partagent la direction politique du monde, sauf dans quelques rares pays comme le Portugal et l’Espagne, et justement bafoués par les deux côtés du “rideau de fer” parce qu’ils sont chrétiens.”  Translating the italics:  “except in those few rare countries like Portugal and Spain, precisely treated with con-tempt by both sides of the ‘iron curtain’ because they are Christian.”   The Balder version, apparently based on the published version, says:  “En attendant, ce sont encore les poisons des Encyclopédistes, de leurs successeurs socialistes, communistes et marxistes, qui se partagent la direction politique du monde tant en Occident que dans les pays situés derrière les ‘rideau de fer’ et de ‘bambou’.”  In italics:  “as much in the West as in countries behind the “Iron” and “Bamboo” Curtains”.  In the Balder version, Arcand clarifies the two main communist areas, but omits any mention of Portugal and Spain.

Footnote 9:  This is an echo of Arcand’s 1954 talk, Le Christianisme a-t-il fait faillite?  (Is Christianity Bankrupt?).

Footnote 10:  Pay close attention:  Arcand’s Corporatism is a Christian system.  In proposing it—obviously—he is countering “anti-Christian messianism”.

Footnote 11:  A change has been made to the English translation since it first went online in December 2018.  The phrase “who will not blush to glory in” replaces the phrase “who do not blush to exalt themselves in”.

Citation, Chicago style, for the 5-page draft text that I used to slightly revise and then to footnote my English translation of “Inevitability”:

Document source:  Author (Arcand, Adrien).  (Draft) “L’inevitabilite d’une reconstruction sociale”  -1950.- Initials A.A. in lower right corner of page, identifier (C004).  Box number 002, folder number or item number 1672-1676. Adrien Arcand Collection. Concordia University Library, Special Collections, location of repository (Montreal, Quebec, Canada.)

Subscribe and check back!  The big 74th is coming with more free downloads!

Abonnez-vous et revenez!  Le grand 74ème arrive avec plus de téléchargements gratuits!

New Free eBook:  Heading for Ottawa!  Canadian Corporatism (circa 1938):  The National Unity Party of Canada

Growing the Trusts

WHEN A LEADER HAS NO PRINCIPLES TO CULTIVATE.  Liberalism, supposed to fight for the underdog, has only aided exploitation of the people under the rotten regime (to use Laurier’s word) of Mackenzie King and Cardin.  This regime, whose principles ought to fight the trusts, does nothing but multiply them, and grow them along with their influence.  All the money is going to tyrannical trusts and the people, without work, poor, miserable, only serve to fatten the modern despots encouraged by Mackenzie King.
QUAND UN CHEF N’A PAS DE PRINCIPES A CULTIVER.  Le libéralisme, supposé combattre tout ce qui opprime le peuple, n’a fait qu’aider à exploiter le peuple sous le régime pourri (suivant le mot de Laurier) de Mackenzie King et Cardin.  Ce régime, dont les principes devraient combattre les trusts, ne fait que les multiplier, les grossir et augmenter leur influence.  Tout l’argent va aux trusts tyranniques et le peuple, sans ouvrage, pauvre, malheureux, ne sert plus qu’à engraisser ces despotes modernes encouragés par Mackenzie King

Arcand’s Goal:  Abolish Poverty

As a constitutional researcher, I had a keen desire to find out more about Adrien Arcand’s notion of a unitary Parliament without political parties, his Corporatist Parliament.  Material I have suggests he may have been onto something (parties may well be unconstitutional in the British system Canada inherited.  More another day.).

But reading Pierre Trépanier’s quite superb article from 1991, “La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand” (Religion in the thought of Adrien Arcand) in Les Cahiers dex dix (46), 207–247 (, another chord was struck.  Critics of Arcand too easily focus on his Anti-semitism (which he himself defined quite differently from the way his critics do).  Detractors of Arcand boil him down to just another Hitler, says Trépanier (translation): “reducing to almost nothing the part played by the social, economic and political reforms that he proposed” (“ramenant à presque rien la part des réformes sociales, économiques et politiques qu’il proposait”).

Most important, Trépanier says that to analyze Arcand “the right way, it would be necessary to multiply precautions, to examine all possibilities and above all to be careful not to draw conclusions with too much certainty.”  He continues:  “One of these possibilities would be that the single-party regime –. corporatism and anti-Semitism in the actualization that Arcand would have given them — would have been subordinated to divine law, the control of the (Catholic) Hierarchy, and to the teachings of the social doctrine of the Church.  The French-Canadian version of fascism would have been much closer to a sort of authoritarian and modern Christendom than to the Third Reich.”1

Indeed, Arcand’s Canadian Corporatism refers to Christian values and to the love of God for His children as the motive to change the system.

When I saw Canadian Corporatism on container list number two in the Vanier Special Collections at Concordia, I remembered Arcand’s countless barbs of the 1930s in Le Goglu against all that oppresses the average individual.  So, below is Canadian Corporatism, a brief presentation of “the social, economic and political reforms” that Adrien Arcand and his National Unity Party of Canada proposed.

Throughout his editorials, and in his life, Adrien Arcand stuck up for the little guy.  He had a political objective:  to eliminate unemployment, poverty (la misère noire), exploitation of the workman, class warfare and financial ruin of the small enterprise by the piracy of speculators.  Arcand promoted a form of corporatism to preserve the Christian “ideas of God, religion, family, private property, initiative, social justice, order, morality, and spiritual values.”

In Canadian Corporatism, published circa 1938 by his National Unity Party of Canada — founded July 1st that year — Arcand explains how corporatism will “eliminate the middleman,” the exploiter and the speculator, in other words trusts and monopolies, and other abusers of the “little fellow.”  Canadian Corporatism would restore to the social classes their dignity, legitimate authority and legislative power in a Corporatist Parliament, says Arcand.

Canadian Corporatism would place wealth at the service of the nation, instead of the other way around.  It would put a fair share of the profits of all production into the hands of those who produced it by legislating a fair price and a fair wage.

In the cartoon above from the July 25th, 1930 issue of Adrien Arcand’s Le Goglu magazine, we see Liberal leader Mackenzie King as a farmer watering all the trusts to make them grow.  Arcand was a fierce opponent of King.  Who was King?  He was a Rockefeller agent working for the world-government crowd while in office, and employed by them in sinecures between his mandates.  King attended Conferences to set up the United Nations, which Saint-Laurent, his Justice Minister, addressed on 13 January 1946, stating it was “the basis of the world government” required to stop the wars.  (But apparently, it has had no effect on the 71-year war of genocide against the innocent Palestinians by the Zionists.)

I hope you enjoy these fascinating political ideas from 1938, explained in Heading for Ottawa! Canadian Corporatism.  The whole text of the pamphlet is below.  You can also download Canadian Corporatism as a free eBook (Flash flipbook, PDF and epub in a zip folder).

1.  Trépanier, in French at page 209 of “La Religion…”:  “En bonne méthode, il faudrait multiplier les précautions, examiner toutes les possibilités et surtout se garder de conclure avec trop d’assurance.  L’une de ces possibilités serait que le régime du parti unique, le corporatisme et l’antisémitisme dans la réalisation qu’Arcand leur aurait donnée auraient été subordonnés à la loi divine, au contrôle de la Hiérarchie et aux enseignements de la doctrine sociale de l’Église.  La version canadienne-française du fascisme aurait ainsi été beaucoup plus proche d’une sorte de chrétienté autoritaire et moderne que du IIIe Reich.”  Trépanier, P. (1991). La religion dans la pensée d’Adrien Arcand. Les Cahiers des dix, (46), 207–247.


Canadian Corporatism:  An English draft version discovered in Special Collections at Concordia University

Canadian Corporatism is presented on the road to the 74th anniversary of Adrien Arcand’s release from WWII internment


It’s hard to find a published English-language copy of Adrien Arcand’s Canadian Corporatism, a brochure produced by his National Unity Party of Canada circa 1938.

However, a nearly-complete English, typed draft with handwritten changes was found in the Adrien Arcand Collection in Special Collections at Vanier campus of Concordia University.  A photocopy of the 26 legal-size (8.5″ x 14″) typed pages was obtained.  Page one is missing.

The 26-page typed draft text of Canadian Corporatism (pages 2 through 27) was purchased along with a small lot of documents in Special Collections on Tuesday, 4 June 2019.

A French version, Corporatisme canadien, was published circa 1938 (BAnQ, National Collection, 324.2710938 A668c 1938 FOL).  The English-language Canadian Corporatism, from Concordia is marked date unknown.  Therefore, I am guessing that the English draft is circa 1938.  The French version was published in three columns per page on ledger-size paper (11″ x 17″), with illustrations.  The French copy was viewed and scanned in the Quebec Archives in Montreal on 16 January 2018.

To supply the missing English page one, I transferred my existing English translation of the corresponding French material from the BAnQ into the English transcript to obtain a “complete” English version of Canadian Corporatism, Adrien Arcand’s political program for Canada.

A word-processed transcript of the Concordia English document was begun on Monday evening, 10 June 2019, at 21:51 and finished at about 6:30 a.m. on Tuesday morning, 11 June 2019.  The handwritten changes were very legible, and were therefore included.  The occasional comma and one or two typographical corrections were added to the word-processed transcript.  For historical color, some of the front-page graphics from the published French edition have been included in the English translation of page one.

A question that researchers might ask about Canadian Corporatism would be, can this program from 1938 be updated in the current western context?

Here’s the citation for the 26-page document, Chicago style:

Document source: Author (Arcand, Adrien). (Draft) Canadian Corporatism / National Unity Party of Canada, [19–], identifier (C004). Box number 002, folder number or item number 402-427. Adrien Arcand Collection. Concordia University Library, Special Collections, location of repository (Montreal, Quebec, Canada.)

Heading for Ottawa! Canadian Corporatism, National Unity Party of Canada, 1938

Canadian Corporatism, National Unity Party of Canada

Canadian Corporatism, National Unity Party of Canada (Flash Flipbook)

Canadian Corporatism, National Unity Party of Canada:  Download the free Flash flipbook, PDF & ePub all in one zip folder.

Canadian Corporatism quickly explains the NUPC programme in 45 clear points.  Get the free eBook in a zip folder with Flash Flipbook, PDF and ePub.

Or read it now, below.  Pagination follows the free eBook.


Published by Adrien Arcand’s National Unity Party of Canada (circa 1938)

Reconstruction from a typed, hand-corrected draft


Canadian Corporatism:  An English draft version discovered
in Special Collections at Concordia University

Canadian Corporatism is presented on the road to the 74th
anniversary of Adrien Arcand’s July 3rd, 1945 release from
WWII internment by the Mackenzie-King Liberals.


It’s hard to find a published English-language copy of Adrien Arcand’s Canadian Corporatism, a brochure produced by his National Unity Party of Canada. However, a nearly-complete English typed draft with handwritten changes was found in the Adrien Arcand Collection in Special Collections at Concordia University. Page one is missing.

The 26-page typed draft text of Canadian Corporatism (pages 2 through 27) was purchased along with a small lot of documents in Special Collections on Tuesday, 4 June 2019.

A French version, Corporatisme canadien, was published circa 1938 (BAnQ, National Collection, 324.2710938 A668c 1938 FOL).  A scan was made of the French copy in the Quebec Archives in Montreal on 16 January 2018. The English-language Canadian Corporatism from Concordia is marked “date unknown”.  So, I am guessing the English draft is circa 1938.  To supply the missing page one, my existing English translation of the corresponding French material from the BAnQ was transferred into the English transcript to obtain a “complete” English version of Canadian Corporatism, originally a pamphlet edition summarizing Adrien Arcand’s political program for Canada.

– i –


The reader would be well advised to take into account that the authors of this document were living in a typical pastoral society of the place and time, subject to religious dictates.  In the early 1930s, poverty and unemployment favored the emergence of right-wing parties around the world.

Adrien Arcand was active between the two world wars of 1914-18 and 1939-45, which caused millions of deaths.  In twenty-five years, the planet experienced an acceleration of violence in all its forms.

The leader of the National Unity Party of Canada, inspired by Father Lionel Groulx, waged a fierce battle against cruel capitalism, liberalism, and Judeo-communism.

The statements above were selected and translated from remarks of author Jean Côté in the opening pages of his 1994 book entitled Adrien Arcand, une grande figure de notre temps, ISBN 2-9801677-3-8, available at

On the same topic, French-speaking readers may find Pierre Trépanier’s Quel corporatisme ? (1820-1965) informative.  See: Trépanier, P. (1994). Quel corporatisme ? (1820-1965). Les Cahiers des dix, (49), 159–212.

Arcand torch Corporatism

Heading for Ottawa! Canadian Corporatism

A formula for economic and social reorganization submitted
to the Canadian people by the


Canadian Corporatism TorchWE SUFFER, complain, are harassed by anxiety and uncertainty in every region of the country, in all milieux.

Governments come and go, each one as impotent as the last. Politicians would like to do something for the people who bring them to power, but they are powerless to keep their promises. The problem is not with the men but with the system. Being unable to do anything for the people, they work for themselves!

Changing the motorman of an outdated tramway or the driver of an old bus is not change. The vehicle itself must be changed. Changing the Members will never be a change if the new arrivals are obliged to do exactly as their predecessors.


The major problem suffered throughout the country, the problem which threatens to swallow us all, comes from two main sources: 1.— the intervention of outside forces into the vital interior wheels of the nation (finance, credit, propaganda, price-fixing, and the control of certain social classes, etc.); 2.— the intervention of politics and government in areas that are not political.

There is too much politics, too much “government”, in economic and social life. Disorganized, deprived of national frameworks, Agriculture, Labor, Industry, Commerce, Fisheries, Mines, etc., are at the mercy of politics and politicians.

Economic and social activities are not political activities. They must be given their autonomy, their powers, their initiative and their right of self-determination. These activities can manage themselves under protection of a government that cooperates and regulates while neither exploiting nor plundering.

Restoring to the great social classes and to vital activities of the country those powers usurped by the politicians is the only way to eliminate the two great sources of problems mentioned above. No other solution is possible.

Canadian Corporatism alone is capable of delivering to the Canadian people this one solution, which must replace the revolting incapacity of the old parties and avoid the disorder and welter of Marxism (hidden behind the names of socialism, communism, bolshevism, anarchism, Sovietism, popular front, etc.).

Canadian Corporatism is the “real change” that the people have been crying out for for nearly twenty years. The National Unity Party of Canada announces this real change which is Canadian Corporatism, within order and lawfulness, by the consent of a free and enlightened electorate.


Canadian Corporatism is the sole and only formula of true liberty and social justice, of security, progress, of prosperity, the control of Canadian life by Canadians. For the greatness of Canada and the happiness of Canadians, the National Unity Party of Canada desires its triumph.


In the seventh chapter of its programme, the National Unity Party of Canada proposes the establishment of a Corporatist system. The present pamphlet is published to give to the people a clear comprehension and a very definite vision of all that will happen when Canadian Corporatism is established.

When the world in 1914 was bathed in blood, it was said that this was to save Democracy. It was a lie, for the consequences of this war caused Democracy to perish in the majority of European countries, both allied and enemy.

Where it is not yet dead, Democracy is at its last gasp. Nothing any longer can save it. It is foundering slowly in corruption, in general disunion, ruin, anarchy, chaos; it will definitely perish. But the people do not wish to perish with it. The people wish to live. The people have not been created to serve political systems but political systems were created to serve the people. When they can no longer function, we change them.

Liberal-democracy is dying from one thing: from not being democracy. True democracy is what we have agreed to call government of the people, by the people and for the people. Liberal-democracy or the Party system is quite the contrary of true democracy. It is the exploitation and ruin of the people by political factions for the profit of the money powers. Present-day democracy is, in fact, the dictatorship of the powers of money. When we go back up all the steps of this organization, we find


this supreme power commanding all the liberal democracies, the International Gold Bank, a Jewish institution.

Liberty! Liberty! Liberty! is the despondent cry which liberal democracy or the dictatorship of the money powers has used to enchain the masses of the people in the slavery of debt and interest, in unemployment, in national disunity, in the cult of hatred, in the gradual ruin of private property. It has been by shouting liberty that there have been taken away from the social classes the organizations and disciplines which protected them, that there has been taken away from national activities their own control, to hand it over to irresponsible politicians, babbling and incapable.

Based on a lie, that of national division, which breaks the organic unity of the people, paralyzes Power and causes decline of Authority, liberal-democracy has dislocated the whole national balance, has soiled all that it has touched, has led to political decomposition and general decadence, has delivered over the weak and defenseless to powerful egoists, has transformed the highest manifestation of civil life (government) into an orgy of corruption.

Springing from materialism, from the spirit of rebellion, from an individualism which denies the common good, liberal-democracy has only managed to realize one single thing: The establishment of the supreme and indisputable power of the Golden Calf, upon the ruins of the social classes which have been hurled against each other. It has made the money-god king of everything and of us all, by betraying truth, by upsetting the moral values and the higher principles of living.

Parliamentarianism is not liberal-democracy. The parliament, consultation, discussion existed long centuries before the arrival of liberal-democracy. Formerly parliaments were really national. With liberal-democracy, we have had only partisan or factional


parliaments, representing only part of the people, while the other part, defeated in the elections, was punished by the privations of political or parliamentary opposition.

By what shall we replace the system which is slowly foundering in corruption and falsehood?

The disciples of the Jew Karl Marx propose the mischievous doctrine of this false prophet under various names: socialism, communism, bolshevism, sovietism, anarchy, popular front. It is materialism pushed to its final conclusions. It is, moreover, the dictatorship of one class over all the other classes. It is the definite destruction of Christianity by destroying that which supports the ideas of God, religion, family, private property, initiative, social justice, order, morality, and spiritual values. We may not therefore believe one single instant that one can save the country or the people by marxism, a system which has done damage wherever it has been tried, which has produced everywhere only bloody ruin, as is proved by the contemporary history of Russia, China, Hungary, Spain, Bavaria, etc.

The only possible solution that remains is Canadian Corporatism, through the National Unity Party of Canada.

Canadian Corporatism wishes to give back their rights, their honor, their dignity, to Power, to Authority, to Labour, to the real producers.

It desires to keep in Canada the gold produced in Canada, to keep in Canada the profits from Canadian resources and from the work of Canadians, to destroy parasitism under all its forms, to force capital to cease being purely speculative, that it may become creative and constructive. And to form national activities into national corporations which will take back the powers which politicians have taken away from them. Just as in the Corporatism of the Bar there is a government of lawyers, by


lawyers, for the welfare of lawyers, so there will be a Corporation of the fisheries by the fishermen, for the good of the fishermen, and the same thing for agriculture and industry. Each national activity must have its own parliamentary representation, must enjoy powers at once social, economic and legislative, under the protection of an essential National State, which will look after the coordination and balance of the national activities, preventing abuses and unjust monopolies.

Canadian Corporatism desires to wed private interest to the common good by making them partners so they can lean upon each other, by making the State and the citizen associates so they will support each other. It desires instead of fighting, to reestablish the political unity of the country, its national unity, to create a national conscience, a national mentality; to fix national goals, to eliminate unemployment swiftly, to make respected the duty and the right to work for one’s livelihood; to revive commerce and industry, to increase property, to decentralize economic activity, to raise up new enterprises, to raise salaries and revenues to the highest level compatible with the needs of a healthy economy, which will no longer be the enrichment of a small exclusive group; to destroy pitilessly corrupt patronage and the system of the pork-barrel, to put each talent in its place and competent people at the vital controls of the country, to restore in all domains the elements of natural law.

IT IS TRUTH WHICH MAKES FREE. We shall regain our freedom when we find truth again. Just as there is a fundamental religious truth, the existence of God, so there is a fundamental political truth. This political truth which the National Unity Party has taken as a guide and a torch is this: all the rights, privileges, advantages, property and profits of a country must serve first and above all the natives of that country. This is the supreme political truth for which all the members of the party work. It is not everything to find truth, you have to make it triumph. We have made of this truth our watchword, our ideal,


our inspiration and our banner, in the short phrase, “Canada for Canadians.”

May all those who believe in this shining truth come and work with us, for its triumph, for the greatness of Canada and the happiness of Canadians, the National Unity Party of Canada.


The program of the National Unity Party proclaims agriculture as the first and most vital of Canadian industries. The program adds that the Canadian Corporatist State will give its first attention to agriculture, will decentralize it, will re-spiritualize it, that agriculture will have the greatest number of representatives in the Corporatist Parliament.

Agriculture or farming is the most vital industry of the country because it nourishes the nation. It furnishes human life with the most important of its primary needs. Moreover, agriculture brings man nearer nature, supplies the most wholesome, the most complete way of life. It gives man the greatest amount of mental rest, of true freedom and sense of security that he can find. It is, more than any other industry, fitted to form the best kind of citizens in the nation.

The nation’s food store must be rich, abundant and varied. Those who work to produce it must enjoy the fruits of their labour. If there are profits to be derived from farming produce, the greatest share thereof must go to the farmer.


Under the system of liberal-democracy, or system of party politics, the farmer does not receive a just share of his yield. He is terribly exploited by the great monopolies which govern the market price, which buy at ridiculous prices and resell to the


consumer at exorbitant prices. These great international monopolies, which we can trace back to the High Jewish Gold Bank, are the masters of prices. They gamble with the harvests of whole countries, playing thus with the fate of those who produce these harvests. He who sets the price of a product fixes the wages of those who make that product.

Who sets the price of timber in Canada? It is not the settler who cuts it, or the small builder who uses it, it is the big monopoly. Who sets the price of Canadian butter? It is not the Canadian producer, or the Canadian consumer, it is the great international monopoly. It is the same with all important goods.


There are groups which are neither producers or consumers, who are not farmers; nevertheless, they have the power to govern prices, and thus to determine the income of the producers. They are more powerful than whole national classes. Why? Because they are organized while producers are not. They are supported by the force which forms the pivot of every liberal-democratic form of government, namely money, the Golden Calf. As money is the supreme master under liberal-democracy, we must not be surprised if agriculture is enslaved to the money powers like all other activities. And as the money powers desire to have ever more money, they extend ever more strongly their control over agriculture, devouring ever larger profits, leaving the small farmer weaker and more despoiled.

It is by thousands in Canada that cultivators have abandoned their farms, saying “farming does not pay.” The farmer is satisfied when he can bring up his family suitably and pay his debts. For twenty years he has had to sell certain products at a loss, while the monopolies which manipulate these products, multi-


ply their profits and their dividends. It is almost impossible for him to pay his debts and to advance his family.

Organized capital is so little eager to help the farmer that the State is obliged to distribute enormous sums in rural credit. The mere fact of State rural credit proves that capital no longer desires to cooperate with the other classes of the nation. It is the same with State credit for the construction of houses in the cities. Capital no longer wishes to help. It wishes to be served. It is the master. It commands and knows no other role. This abnormal chaotic situation has created an imbalance which shows everywhere and which is evident in thousands of evils, thou-sands of forms of misery. It has become intolerable. It cannot last longer if we wish to avoid the bloody revolution so desired by the communists. We have to do something.


The old parties do not want any real change. From time to time they throw a little cool water on the fevered national body, when things get too hot among the people. But they do not wish to go to the roots of the evil because they themselves planted these roots. They do not wish a complete purge be-cause the present state of corruption is called liberal-democracy. They say: “Let us save democracy,” but they never say: “Let us save Canada and the Canadians.” What is it then, according to their idea of democracy, which they so greatly wish to save? According to what the liberal and conservative systems have implanted, maintained, encouraged and tolerated, it is “liberty and tolerance.” What sort of liberty? Equal liberty for the bad and the good, for error and truth, thieves as well as honest men, the exploiters as well as the real workers, equal liberty for the parasite and the victim on whom the parasite feeds, freedom for foreigners as well as for Canadians. Freedom for international forces as well as for the national forces in our country. We must not disturb this liberty, because it is democratic liberty! But in a


system where the Golden Calf is god, it follows that those who have money, alone have strength and liberty; the others, the lit-tle fellows, the workers, the producers endure and submit, and finally are crushed and reduced to slavery.


There are also the disciples of the great Jewish revolutionary, Karl Marx, the “marxists,” who take different names according as they go further. These marxists labour to bring about the socialist system, the communist system, the anarchist system. In democracy a single class dominates, the class of the monied power. In the marxist regime a single class also wishes to dominate all the others, the class of revolutionary workers. This is what they call the dictatorship of the proletariat. The disciplines of the Jew Karl Marx desire freedom only for evil and error. They want to abolish religion, family, property, the idea of country, and establish over the whole earth a universal republic of which Canada would be a simple province.

In the face of the old parties, who neither will nor are able to do anything, and marxism which only wants to do evil, there has risen the National Unity Party.

It is a Nationalist Party, a corporatist party. National Unity is opposed to one class, whether that of the capitalists or that of the workers, dominating the other classes. Each class must be able to guide itself, organize itself, decide its own fate in cooperation with the other classes. This is only possible through the Corporation, by means of the corporatist system, the national system of our new time. It is the only system which can give back to agriculture, as well as to the other national activities, their independence, their freedom, full and entire justice, protection and prosperity.



When the nationalist party of National Unity shall have been carried to power with the consent of the Canadian people, it will immediately set about the task of establishing national corporations.

The corporations, as has been said, will act in a triple role: legislative, economic and social.

The political parties which divide the nation into artificial and useless factions will be all abolished. There will be only one single political party, the Canadian nation. All Canadians will be part of it. The nationalist system in power will recognize no opposition. There will not be a part of the people which will be considered hostile and to which all aid is refused, all help, all encouragement, as do the liberals when the liberals are in power against the cursed conservatives or the conservatives do when in power against the cursed liberals. The government will be truly national, the government of all the people, and it will concern itself with the whole people. Every Canadian will be its child, its ward, the object of its care and devotion. It will no longer be permissible to return to artificial political dissension, to partisan hatred, to the favoritism which causes one part of the people to be neglected for the advantage of another part.

In the body of the nation, each class of workers will receive the rights, importance and respect, the consideration and the aid, which belong to it. Agriculture will be in the front rank of the great Canadian family of workers.

After the disappearance of political parties, the farmer, for example, will have only one general interest, namely Canada, and one main private interest, farming. The country member will not be liberal or conservative in the parliament, he will represent


exclusively the farmers, will be responsible only to the farmers and will concern himself solely with farming.


When National Unity ascends to power by the will of the people, the National Corporations will begin to rise. All growers, without any exception, will be incorporated and will form a system in the great national corporation of agriculture. In the bosom of this corporation they will be subdivided into associations of all kinds according to their immediate interests. The agriculturalist can belong to several associations at the same time, as for instance, to the national association of tobacco producers, the national association of grain producers, the national association of cattle breeders, etc.

Each association will have headquarters and depots in each province. The associations will elect within themselves their officers and their delegates. In their general higher ranks they will form the framework of the great national corporation of agriculture. In their associations and their national corporations, the growers will choose the names of those whom they want to have as federal members in the corporate parliament, and from this list, the whole nation will be called upon to vote when the body of the first corporate parliament shall be submitted for the approval of the people. In the same way the other great national corporations (manufacturing, industry, transportation, professional classes, commerce, etc.) will choose their federal representatives themselves.


The corporation must act a political as well as a social and an economic role, in the sense that producing and professional activities must take back the powers that the liberal-democratic state assumed after the liberal revolution of 1789.


Powers which belong exclusively to the state are those which concern justice, defence of the country (armed forces), internal order (federal police), collection and use of taxes (Ministry of finance), the mails, relations with other countries (external affairs), the guardianship of official wards of the people (Indian affairs), the property of the Crown (public works, domains, etc.)

The ministries of agriculture, of labour, of commerce, of industry, of fisheries, of public health are based on a usurpation of powers which belong to the national categories of interests which these powers concern. These powers were assumed be-cause these national interests were not organized. The state had to make up for the insufficiency or absence of organization of the classes concerned.

The liberal-democratic State has never thought of forming a Ministry of Professions because these managed to keep their framework of organization in the storm of revolution. The professional classes, such as those of the lawyers, notaries, physicians, dentists, engineers, etc., have managed to keep their set-ups and discipline themselves. They were able to resist, only thanks to the compulsory participation (unionism) of their members, drawing up among themselves the conditions of their craft, of apprenticeship, professional conduct, etc. If they have suffered almost as much as the other classes since the end of the great war, this is because of the general situation created by political slackness, economic anarchy, the social chaos resulting from the class struggle. There is no more reason for having a Ministry of Commerce or of Agriculture than there would be to justify a Ministry of the liberal professions.


During the first years of the Canadian Corporatist State, which will be established by the National Unity Party, the National


Corporation of Agriculture will work in immediate conjunction and direct contact with the Ministry of Agriculture. The Corporation of Commerce will do likewise with the Ministry of Commerce, the Corporation of Industrial workers will do the same with the Ministry of Labour, but as soon as they are sufficiently organized the corporations will replace these Ministries which by their nature are not political. Instead of its being politicians, it is the farmers themselves who will govern agriculture, the business men who will direct commerce, the fishermen who will look after the fisheries, and so on. Just as professionals in their corporations may determine the conditions of their professions, give these organizations discipline, a code, just so the other national classes will be able to act in their national corporations. The only real political instrument above the corporations will be the Ministry of Corporations, to coordinate and balance the interplay of the corporations, to see that one does not take advantage of another, that the consumers are not exploited, that the needs of our foreign commerce are respected.

The State being an essentially political and moral body, it must not exceed the limits of its political rights. Economic and social bodies of the nation must evolve as rapidly as possible towards such a state that they can regulate themselves the economy and social life of the country in harmony with the political conditions and needs.


Just as the ministries of the government work by the year, so the national corporations of the Canadian Corporatist State will sit by the year.

The different corporations, each in its federal headquarters, will handle all the problems of their activities as they arise. Thus, the National Corporation of Agriculture will always be working,


studying problems, finding solutions, bringing about betterments, drawing up laws.

The decisions taken by it will be transmitted to the Ministry of Corporations which in its turn will transmit them at once to the other national corporations.

If one of the other corporations, if for example that of Commerce, objects to the decision of the farmers or finds in it cause for complaint then the Ministry of Corporations summons a meeting of the two conflicting corporations and both together must come to an understanding. The representatives of the two great social classes may parley and discuss, criticize each other as much as they wish, but they must come to an agreement. They have all the rights and privileges of parliamentarianism, with this difference, that it is the experts on a question that dis-cuss this question and they discuss it in their particular assemblies.

When a final solution has been found and accepted by the op-posing parties, the Ministry of Corporations informs the national government. The latter must judge in the name of the whole people, whether the final decision is within the framework of the general interest and justice. If it finds no serious objection, the law is passed by decree of the National Government when there is urgency. If the matter is not urgent it will be submitted for the approval of the corporatist parliament met in full session. In any case all the laws and decisions of the corporations must be sanctioned by the Corporatist Parliament.


We are astonished in democratic countries when a corporatist parliament can approve sometimes 250 or 300 laws in a sitting of a few minutes. This is because we do not realize that these laws, which have been studied and prepared by the experts of


the country, would be mutilated as soon as they were submitted to the parliamentary method which permits the ignorant to speak, as well as the experts.

When the national sanction is given to laws in the corporatist system, these laws have already been studied by the people concerned, the experts, the technicians in the matter, then they have been submitted to all the other corporations and to the government. If they are brought before the parliament, it is because there is no longer any objection. All that they need is the supreme national sanction, a simple question of formality.

Corporatism does not allow useless babbling for months on the part of ignorant men. It does not allow, as under our system, doctors to discuss railways, tinsmiths to talk of fisheries, farmers to talk about sanitary or industrial working-class laws, breeders of sheep to speak about airplanes.

Each class has, in short, on the political side of its corporation, legislative powers, which it exercises within the broad lines of the common good and within the limits of national welfare.


Each class must be deeply aware that it is above all a positive and constructive instrument in the service of the whole nation. When the whole nation prospers, the class will prosper, and the more prosperous will be the individual who forms part of it. The individual must discipline himself in his corporation and the corporation discipline itself within the body of the nation. No individual can free himself from his corporation. No corporation can free itself from the nation. Slackness or unlimited free competition cannot be tolerated. Full enjoyment of natural and acquired rights, and fulfilment of the duties which correspond to them, these are the counterweights which in all activit-


ies and in all national spheres are to form the measure of individual and collective action. They are conditions essential to true order, to effective authority, to real responsibility, to equitable justice, to all the prosperity in which each may expect the share due to his contribution of work, the exercise of his talents.


It is not enough for the corporation to have legislative and par-liamentary powers, it must have its economic organization and powers, which melt into its social organization and powers.

The one cannot be without the other. Corporatism must be totalitarian, as liberalism is totalitarian, as marxism is totalitarian.

It is nonsense to try to make, for example, out of “economic liberalism,” a distinct or different thing from political liberalism. Why is there “economic liberalism?” Because there is at the helm of power in the State a political liberalism which has brought about the coming of economic liberalism by its very doctrine of non-interventionism and unlimited liberty, which perpetuates it, encourages it, maintains it. Political liberalism has even become the slave of economic liberalism. It has delivered itself over to the latter on account of its electoral needs. It belongs there. It is now determined, commanded, ruled thereby. There is in fact only one sole and single liberalism, a single germ, a single ferment, which is the same everywhere, acquiring an adjective according to the sphere in which it acts. Liberalism is totalitarian, it imposes its slackness, its lack of discipline, its irregularity in everything and everywhere in the same way. Corporatism also is totalitarian, exacting discipline, rules, structures, in everything and everywhere. It is not the State which fixes these rules and these structures, it is the guilds of National activities which give them to themselves, the State approves.


Economic Corporatism destroys economic liberalism and takes its place. The monopolies which act like gods of the weather as to farming production will be replaced by the great associations of the National Corporation of Agriculture.

The great tobacco monopoly will be replaced by the National Association of tobacco producers. The great monopoly of dairy products will be replaced by the National Association of dairy producers. The great monopoly of meat will be replaced by the National Association of breeders of animals. It will be thus for each product.


Once united in associations and corporations the growers will establish their producers’ cooperatives.

The corporate State will help them to form their cooperatives. It will place at their disposal vast capital in order that these cooperatives may have their stores in the great centres of the country. These cooperatives and their stores will belong to the members of the national associations of the growers them-selves.

Up to now the associations and cooperatives of producers have not had much success because they are optional. Anybody can belong who wants to. There is favouritism. The monopolies in order not to lose their privileges and their control, wage against them a savage, cut-throat battle. Thus, for example, so many dairy cooperatives have been torn from the hands of the farmers and destroyed by the underhand attacks of the monopolies protected by venal politicians.

But obligatory association and cooperation for all cannot help succeeding. All the members, by rules which they establish themselves, are compelled to cooperate; moreover, their most


elementary interests force them to concern themselves actively with their business.

In order to understand the functioning of agricultural corpora-tism in the economic sphere let us take the example of a concrete case. The same case may be applied to all other kinds of organized production. Let us take the case of animals and meats.

All the breeders of animals will belong to the National Association of Breeders which will be a section of the National Corporation of Agriculture.

The principal task of the members of the association will be to produce the best possible quality of domestic cattle and fowl.

The producers’ association will have its storehouses and slaughter-houses. It will control prices and the wholesale distribution of its produce. To acquire or build great modern storehouses, the association will issue bonds which, if necessary, will be guaranteed by the State. The members of the association will hold the majority of these bonds in order that the financial control shall never leave the association.


The producer who has, let us say, ten pigs, two steers, and five sheep to sell, will not have to bother with finding a buyer, he will go and take his animals to the nearest railway station to have them forwarded to the nearest depot or abattoir of his association. He will shortly receive from his association a cheque for the amount of the value of the animals less the cost of transportation. At the depot of the corporation of animal producers the association has its experts who look after classification, packing, forwarding, advertising and exporting. The asso-


ciation also attends to fixing meat prices through the national corporation.

No longer will the great international monopolies fix the prices. It is the national corporation itself, under the supervision of the government which must prevent all and any abuse. The principle which must serve as a basis for the fixing of prices is the cost of production plus a reasonable profit which must aid the progressive growth of the producer’s business.

When a reasonable price is fixed by decree, then all wholesale buyers must pay this price everywhere and under every circumstance for any quantity. Monopoly falls of itself, the trust is no longer capable of dictating its conditions to the producer and the consumer. The producer can live, can devote himself to his specialty without fear of ruin. He can count on the stability of business and the consumer is protected against any exploitation.


The producers’ cooperative eliminates the jobber and the monopolist. From it directly the merchant procures the products which he resells at retail, the wholesale prices being fixed by decree. They are the same for the big as for the small buyer. The great chain stores pay the same price as the small retailer. They can no longer dictate their conditions to the producer. Inevitably they cease to be and in the place of a great regional or provincial grocer we see the number of independent businesses in-crease again, the number of small enterprises and small fortunes replace the large enterprise and the great fortune.

Retail prices, too, are fixed by decree, at the figures decided upon by the national corporation of commerce. These prices are subject to the supervising of the government. They comprise the cost of distribution plus a reasonable profit. The great parasites being eliminated, the consumer pays definitely less.


The producer receives the maximum revenue for his products, the distributer is assured a reasonable return for his service.


The national corporation of agriculture looks after its own protection in the adjustments of the tariff. It instructs the government according to its statistics, its production, its surplus or its needs, regarding the tariff protection which should be fixed for such and such a farm product.

The national corporation of agriculture and the national associations of producers which compose it will have their banks in which they will deposit their money, the earnings of which will be theirs. They will have their credit bodies, their insurance and pension organizations. These instruments for their service being their property, it will be no longer possible for hidden finance to practice its undue pressure or to blackmail the agriculturalists. Agriculture will be, so to say, a national organism complete in itself and it will not suffer from manipulation from outside for external profit. Farm finance will serve agriculture.

Agriculture will not be a State business such as the marxists want. It will not be a source of profit for a few individuals, powerful on account of their money, as is the case under liberal-democracy. It will be a business entirely in the hands of the farmers for the basic advantage of the nation and the personal profit of the farmers. The corporation is the only known formula which weds together the common good and private interest. It is the most modern formula, the most advanced, civilized, just and Christian which has come out of all the attempts and all the experiments which have been made in the world up to our day.

Decentralization, respiritualization, by building a structure on


the needs of the human being rather than on the demands of the Golden Calf, order, authority, discipline, social set-ups which will no longer leave the human being isolated and defenseless; protection, stability, equity, cooperation in living rather than savage struggle for life itself, these are the advantages of the Nationalist Corporation.


We have to stabilize the cost of living as we have to stabilize the income or wages of farm and industrial workers. The corporation alone can give this stabilization which no other system has yet been able to give to the nation.

The corporatist state, acting as a regulator of the national activities, can cause one corporation to intervene to help another when necessary.

Thus, if there is an unsaleable surplus of wheat, the State may on the demand of the national association of wheat producers, transfer the problem to the Industry Corporation by decreeing, for example, that motor vehicle fuel shall contain 20 or 30% of grain alcohol.

A national association of tomato producers would not, as was the case in the autumn of 1938, have allowed to perish in the fields thousands of tons of tomatoes. In its storehouses it would have preserved those tomatoes and the State would have seen to it that these products were exchanged with another country which needed them.

There is no superproduction of anything, there will never be any. There is only a lack of buying power which prevents the national classes from getting in abundance what they could consume. The stabilization of wages and income by the interplay of


corporatism will reestablish, spread, and constantly increase purchasing power.


It is true that national corporatism eliminates certain liberties. It destroys inflexibly the liberty hitherto granted to the powers of money, which must revert to their humble duty as servants of the nation. It destroys the liberty hitherto granted to monopolies, trusts, cornerers, price-raises, to dishonest speculation, to parasitism in all its forms.

But it restores their freedom and self-government to the real producers and the real workers, it restores to them freedom to determine their own fate, the freedom to enjoy before anyone else the fruit of their labours, the freedom to discipline their activities, the freedom to carry on their own affairs, the freedom to create for themselves stable conditions, the freedom to begin an enterprise or to set out on a career without fearing to be stripped or ruined after twenty years, the freedom to set up long range plans with the possibility of realizing them by their work.

Work, a good return for your work, the cost of living proportionate to your pay, an equal opportunity for all to constantly better their lot, provision for each man to suitably bring up his children, protection in all spheres, security, peace of mind, these are the great lost liberties which nationalist corporatism will bring to the Canadian people with the not distant triumph of the National Unity Party.

The joy of living in happiness due to respect for natural laws.

The joy of living as creatures conscious of God and His goodness to His children.

The joy of living as Canadians in our beautiful Canada, masters


of Canada, working for the happiness of Canadians and the greatness of Canada.

The joy of living in a great nationalist and Christian revival, rather than the curse of living in a communist hell or the sorrow of slow decay in a corrupted, ruinous, destructive liberal-democracy, which is a cruel stepmother to the children of the nation.

The joy of living in our own country as our fathers desired it and won it for us by their devotion, their labour, their sacrifice.


For thirty years or more we have been adding to labour laws. We have pushed as far as we could working-class organization.

Are the workers further on to-day?

By hundreds of thousands we may count those who have lost their right to work and have become unemployed. By hundreds of thousands we may count those who work only part time and receive for food, lodging, medical care, clothing, less than a horse unemployed or working part time receives.

As for those who are working, the larger number of them receive wages much below what they need to suitably support their families.

Those who receive a reasonable wage are the minority and even they live constantly in fear of seeing their wages reduced or the shop where they work closed.

As to 90% of workingmen, not only are they unable to save but they do not even receive the minimum necessary to meet the cost of living, according to official statistics.


If there is distress to-day on the farm, the distress is still greater in the working-class in the city. If one is worried, in the country, about interest on a debt due in six months, in the cities in thousands of homes it is a question of how one will eat next week.

Most employers, burdened with ever heavier, worrisome, harmful taxes and realizing that the public purchasing power is constantly being reduced, ask themselves just like their employees, if the instability of business will not force them to close their doors as many others have had to do these last ten years.

All spirit of cooperation has almost completely disappeared be-tween labour and capital, it has even been made almost impossible. Both have been hurled into a surly class struggle fatal to both interests, which after all are only one and the same.

Why is it thus? Because neither employers nor employees are masters of their own activities. Both are at the mercy of what is called the conditions of the market. These are determined by economic anarchy, commercial lack of discipline, cut-throat rivalry, price war, brought about by the indifference of the liberal-democratic State which refuses to intervene, by the tolerance of unbridled and unlimited free competition.

Corporatism will put an end almost immediately to this state of things. It will restore in no time at all the mutual respect of capital and labour, their friendly cooperation, full and complete justice for both sides, an intense, stable and well paid activity for employees and employers.


But the Jews who control the great proletarian organizations, founded by them, and high finance, organized by them, with their propaganda dominated by them, horribly distort corpora-


tism in the eyes of masters and men. They lie, deceive, disfigure, they do not want corporatism even to be known. They do not want the truth to be known because corporatism marks the end of Jewish control over the working class organization, the end of cut-throat business established and exploited by Jews, the end of the control of all classes by high Jewish capital.

Corporatism is the resumption, the re-conquest of all activities, all spheres, all organizations, all advantages, all national profits by the children of the nation and it is the end of economic and financial Jewry. It is the deliverance of all enchained classes, it is the return of order and discipline in which the parasite Jew can no longer live. He must therefore combat corporatism by all means. The crowd must not know it, and if it knows it at all, it must be disfigured, represented as what it is not. This explains the mad, ferocious, merciless struggle which the Jews and all the organizations under their control wage against the National Unity Party, which has decided to establish Canadian Corporatism as soon as it has assumed power at Ottawa. The struggle will be bitter but National Unity will win because Canadian national feeling is stronger than the money of the Jews in Canada, because truth must infallibly triumph over falsehood.


We have seen in its broad outlines how the national corporation of agriculture will function. The national corporation of industry will be similar. This national corporation of industry will be self-subdivided into various corporations or associations ac-cording to the category of industry: metal industry, building industry, manufacturing industry, mining industry, textile industry, hydro-electric industry, etc.

What has hitherto made labour unions so futile is that belonging to them has always been optional. Half the workers agree with the discipline of their unions, the other half refuse to belong.


Corporatism makes compulsory the sharing of the workers in the guilds of their trades. In the same way employers have to be members of the associations which concern their interests.

These guilds of workmen and these associations of employers are divorced from all foreign control, they are entirely free, autonomous, independent and have as leaders only those whom they choose themselves. They have as laws and rules those which they themselves decree. Their bases of support and the discipline which they undergo are fixed by them. The only power above them is that of the National government, which is concerned in preventing any possible abuse as it does for all the other corporations.

After the corporation of agriculture comes the corporation of industry, which has in the federal corporatist parliament the greatest number of members. The list of these representatives to be elected by the whole electorate is drawn up by the labour unions themselves and by the associations of employers. The two groups have their representatives who sit together and draw up the laws concerning their activities. The legislative procedure is the same as that explained for farmers in the preceding chapter.
The federal representatives of industry are responsible only to industry and only concern themselves with industry. Their corporation must eventually replace the ministries of labour and industry when ready to do so.


It is the National Corporation of Industry which fixes prices and working conditions of its members. It fixes the wages of employees and fixes wholesale prices of manufactured products. The employer being certain of a reasonable, stable, protected


sale price, it is easy for him to pay reasonable, stable, protected wages. The Corporation of Industry like all the other Corporations will have its banks, its credit services, its departments for pensions, insurance, aid, leisure, etc.

There will be industrial banks for industry; as well, there will be agricultural banks for farmers, commercial banks for commerce, etc., just as there will be bureaus of credit, developments and aid for the activities concerned. These financial institutions will not be controlled by the State as under Communism, or by a handful of greedy individuals as under liberal-democracy, but they will be owned by the National Corporations. The members of the corporations will deposit their savings in them and will enjoy their privileges and help.


The supreme instrument of finance will be the State bank which will issue the national currency and will control its volume according to the needs of the country. This State bank, property of the whole nation, will, at need, open credits to the corporations which might not have sufficient capital on hand for their necessary development or to meet certain difficult circumstances. The National Corporatist State pitilessly destroys the speculative character of capital and demands that capital, at all times, shall be productive and constructive.

The group of workers’ unions and employers’ associations will form a corporation in which representatives will sit of both employees and employers. They will draw up the laws and statutes of their industries in the interests of all their members. The Ministry of Corporations will see to it that they remain within the framework and general interest of the nation.



The wages and sale prices which they fix will be more than a collective labour contract. They will be national statutes or governmental decrees.

The corporation of industrial employees and employers in which the interests of the two groups hitherto opposed (on account of liberal laisser-faire) will become one single common solid interest, will do more than draw up its own laws. It will supervise their enforcement and impose their application. This will be possible through the discipline which alone compulsory unionism and association can bring about.

Just as the Corporation of the Bar and the Corporation of the Academy of Medicine can punish their members who violate their laws, or take action against external infractions, so the industrial corporation will have its disciplinary courts, will be able to punish its members who infringe its laws or to bring before the courts those who are not members but who harm the corporation.

One element of the national economic life will not be allowed to sabotage the work of another unit, and to compromise, even partially, its existence.

The unlimited liberty granted by liberal-democracy to a certain kind of business, for example, has ruined many industries and thrown on the street a large number of workers.

Thus when a table costs the manufacturer $1.00 and is sold for 90c by a merchant, this brings about a fall in prices and the final consequence is the lowering of wages.



We have seen large distribution agencies sign contracts with cer-tain factories to absorb their whole product. As he no longer has to bother with finding buyers, the manufacturer dismisses his salesmen, his commercial travellers, and can thus sell at a lower price than the others. After a year or two the manufacturer is required to lower his price still further, otherwise his contract will not be renewed. Having lost his former customers, caught with a regulated production, which he can no longer otherwise dispose of, the manufacturer is obliged to yield to the demands of the big buyer or to close his doors. It is always the employee who after all, finally bears the loss though this does not prevent the manufacturer from declining gradually toward his ruin.

With Corporatism this will be no longer possible. An article will not be sold lower than its value. People can no longer play in the name of cut-throat commerce with the honor and dignity of labour, with the fate of the producers.

Each class of workers and producers will receive a just price for his product and each will be able to pay a just price for what he buys. We shall no longer see the parasites ever more prosperous while the producers, ever more exploited and worse paid, harm other producers, by looking for the spoils of the price war. There is no possible stability of wages, of purchasing power, if there is no stability in the price of what the wage-earner produces.

The industry of shoddy, of imitation, of the degraded product which degrades the honor of the craft will disappear; and the housewife will no longer have to say: “I will have to do with the poor stuff, I have not the means of buying the good.” The para-sites, the useless middlemen, the unproductive monopolists and


the dishonest speculators being eliminated, we can get what is good and what is good will not cost dear.


Productive work will be compulsory for all adults physically able. The whole nation will produce. There will be no super-production. There never has been any, there never will be any. What we have suffered from is lack of purchasing power. Everybody needs all sorts of things but not everybody has the means of getting them.

It would not be a luxury for the child of a working man to have three or four pairs of shoes, instead of one, for a worker to have four or five suits, four or five hats, four or five overcoats, instead of one. If everybody could get what is necessary for normal life, without luxury or excess, we should not have enough manufactures or shops to-day.

Let our permanent or part-time two million unemployed be put to work with good pay and right away we shall not have enough from our existing enterprises.

The economic and social corporation of industry will have its political or rather its legislative branches in the national parliament, in which the industrial members elected by the workmen and the employers will form a Chamber, so to say, self-governing in what may concern its particular interests, like the Corporation of Agriculture and the others. The industrial members, as national representatives, will sit also in the full sessions of parliament when it is a question of approving the laws of the corporations and the decrees of the government in the name of all the people.



The workman will have now only one single political party: his nation, his country. He will be called upon to serve the Canadian people and in return he will receive the right to earn his living by working, a just wage and trade organization officially protected.

Labour will be reestablished in the dignity, honor, respect and justice which are due it. It will receive the fulness of its rights and powers. The workman will no longer be merely a toiler taken advantage of, the beaten, defenseless dog. He will be raised to the rank of partner in his nation, associate of his country, free at last from the cruel chains which parasites had soldered upon him thanks to the indifference of a system sold to dishonest finance.

Craft honor will regain its lost rights. There will be plenty of outlets established for the young. The young man who by inheritance or family environment possesses the genius of his father’s trade, may continue the productive work of his father. He may succeed him in the shop or factory. The rights of apprenticeship and guild membership will be reestablished by the free discipline of the corporations, just as apprenticeship has its rights among professional men, whether in the clinics for apprentice doctors or in clerkship for apprentice lawyers. Vocational education which will necessarily be imposed in schools (which) will help the corporations to find the best and aptest subjects.


As the corporations will have the task of inculcating respect for their members’ right to work, and of avoiding all unemployment, they will have to look after the national distribution of work, to find new activities where needed, to think out new de-


velopments. Capital will not be lacking, for the Corporatist State will stop the frightful bleeding of Canadian capital abroad. It will see to it that the gold extracted from Canadian mines shall serve Canada and the Canadians. Merely in interest and dividends paid to the foreigner from the work of Canadian producers and technicians, by the sale of our gold abroad, more than one hundred million dollars a month are leaving Canada at this moment. Why should not the foreigners come to enjoy in Canada these enormous sums produced by Canadian workers with Canada’s natural resources? Why should they not spend this Canadian economic blood within the Canadian organism? The National Unity Party of Canada will promptly settle this problem as soon as it is in power. It will see to it that the economic blood produced in the Canadian National body shall remain in the arteries and veins of this National body. Without borrowing, without importing capital, without increasing the debt of the country, without adding to the obligation of interest and taxes, without inflation, a truly nationalist system can thus get for Canada, for its developments, more than one hundred mil-lion dollars a month. We have only to close the veins, asking those who profit by Canadian activity to spend their gain in Canada, seeing to it that money which is made to circulate and produce shall wholly fulfil its mission.

The Industrial Corporations will have their systems of aid, their arrangements for leisure, their insurance and protection of all kinds.


The shack, the slum, will soon disappear. Little will be said of this but much will be done. It will be the building industry itself which will have to settle this question, in close cooperation with civic authorities. The members of the industry will build for themselves, for their comrades, for the country. They will put all their heart and all their genius into this work of reconstruc-


tion and advancement of Canada and Canadians. Here again it is not capital which will be lacking. Capital will have ceased being speculative. It will have become constructive. There will be no liberal dictatorship of capitalists over all the other classes. There will be no communist dictatorship of the proletariat over all the other classes. There will be honorable, just, disciplined and orderly cooperation of all classes. It is not State collectivism which will lead. It is not the selfish interest of the money powers which will lead. The new law will be the close union and cooperation of the common good with private interest, the association of the citizen with his country, through corporatism, the most advanced and most scientific system of social organization which has been imagined by the human brain after centuries of practical experience, trials, attempts, discouragements and observations, and moreover a system which has succeeded wherever it has been tried.

The State will not be a devouring monster which will sell, betray, despoil and ruin the citizens. The citizen will not be a complaining victim in constant mental revolt against the State. They will be two partners who will help each other, who will cooperate, who will construct, who will progress, supporting each other, leaning on each other.


Taxes will go down and the whole people will be relieved of the burden which is made ever heavier by the democratic mess and the corruption of patronage. When salaries have been readjusted, when two million Canadians have gone back to gainful labour, taxes will be shared by a greater number of taxpayers, and will be lighter. As the corporations will have to settle the social problems which are theirs, the State will be free of them. Everything will be put into its place. The powers usurped by politicians will be restored to the social classes which must hold them. It is true that liberty will diminish or disappear for certain


foreign leaders, certain classes of idle profiteers, unproductive pirates, but liberty will be greater than ever for those who con-tribute to the advancement of the country. They will have freedom of working according to their talent at decent pay and the freedom to make plans and investments without dread of being ruined and left defenseless.


With the great national rebirth brought about by the National Unity Party, after so long a stagnation of business, with the capital produced in Canada at the disposal of Canadian activities, with obligatory work, with new needs, there will be work and income in plenty for everybody. There will be a hundred thousand new enterprises to start. There will be occupation and a future for all our young men. The only danger will be a scarcity of labour but this is a problem which will be settled in good time.

To aid our young people to establish homes, there will be marriage loans. To aid parents brave enough to raise numerous children there will be generous family bonuses. Instead of being, as in financial democracy, almost a curse which imposes heavier obligations on parents who are already poor, the arrival of a child in the home will be what it should always be, a blessing to parents who can live decently.

The national corporations will be encouraged by their modern organizations to establish hunting clubs, fishing clubs, sailing clubs, summer resorts, etc., for their members. The children of the nation must have the first rights to the enjoyment of the natural riches of Canada, of the charms of Canadian nature.


A sustained effort will be made for every Canadian father of a family to be the possessor of a part of the Canadian soil, to be the owner of the home he lives in.


Under financial democracy a very large number of our workers after thirty or forty years of honest labour find themselves to-day less advanced than they were when they began their career, having been constantly exploited as employees and as consumers, left without defence at the mercy of middlemen or cunning swindlers; their lives have been ruined. A system that permits that is a criminal system.

God, who so greatly loves his children, has not wanted them to be unhappy on earth. It is men and their organizations that cause the misfortune of humanity when they allow themselves to be seduced by the errors of evil and the falsehoods of the spirit of revolt which always leads to chaos. As soon as man recognizes the necessity of duty, order, authority, discipline, work, of the giving of oneself to a cause greater than oneself, he becomes free and finds security, protection and justice. Corporatism is the only system of social, economic and political organization which can let him reach this goal.


Hitherto, the goods of this earth have only served the advantage of a small group of powerful financiers. Liberal-democracy, climax of high finance in power, has enchained the unorganized masses and has made them suffer more than any despotic system of antiquity. The fruits of the earth are given by God for all His children to enjoy them. Fruit, meat, cloth, grain, etc., are not made for a few speculators to become millionaires. They are made for their producers to find a fair return for their efforts and for the largest possible part of humanity to have the means


to get the share which it needs. It is upon this principle that corporatism is established. To so do that everyone may earn as much as possible in order to absorb the greatest possible production. To destroy natural or human production in the name of prices, in the name of profits, in the name of the Golden Calf is a crime of liberal-democracy which corporatism will not tolerate for a single instant. Everything is usable in this world and Canadian Corporatism will utilize all that Providence has placed at the disposal of Canadians.


Every social class in Canada will take back the rights which have been stolen from it. Each class will have its frames, supple and well balanced. Each productive class will keep its initiative, its powers and also its responsibilities to the nation. The Canadian Corporatist State will see to these being harmoniously arranged with each other. Conscious of its mission, the National Unity government will not allow foreign agitators to mislead the Canadian masses into the mad myth of the international proletariat, the world labour movement, or the universal republic. It will see to it that everyone shall devote himself to Canada and the Canadians, to the realization in every way of the great motto, Canada for Canadians. This will be the best contribution of our country to world order, world peace and world happiness.


The other national corporations will be organized in like man-ner as those above described.

All the commercial energies of the country, employers and employees, will be grouped in the great national corporation of commerce, which, when well organized, will take over the functions of the ministry of commerce. This corporation, which will


have its representation in parliament, will make the rules and conditions for commerce in Canada, will fix prices and wipe out cut-throat competition which everywhere sows ruin, economic anarchy, and strikes down industry and its employees. It will cooperate with the other great national activities of the country and will serve the nation while giving a decent livelihood to its members. Wholesome and honest trade in which the buyer can have blind confidence will again flourish. Business will become as before formerly, a noble and useful career of public service which will be stable and which will allow those who share in it to make and realize plans for the future.

The professional corporations, independent in themselves (law, medicine, etc.) or connected with other activities (agricultural engineering, chemical engineering, etc.) will play a great part under a system which demands the most competent for the chief positions.

The liberal professions, the scientific professions, the artistic professions, will give themselves frames and rules, will regulate and protect their interests. To serve the best interests of the country, converging with the rest of the nation toward great historic objects to be attained, to assure to all the members of the corporations a minimum of comfort and protection, to constantly raise the level of morality and efficiency in the profession, such are the great primary functions upon which they will build their labour of rebirth.

The professionals will have like the other classes their representation in the corporatist parliament, to legislate on subjects which belong to them, in the interest of the nation as well as in the economic and social interest of the members of their professions. The Corporation of Physicians will finally occupy the Ministry of Hygiene and of Public Health. The Corporation of Engineers and Architects will have the control of the Ministry of Public Works.


All will work for their country and their class, having become associates and partners in common purposes, tasks and interests.


As Parliament will be composed of representatives of the great classes of the nation and as there will be no more political parties, as the political ideal will be completely changed, there will be no longer any “Pork-Barrel”, any palm-greasing, any partisan patronage.

Government contracts will be let not out of consideration for subscriptions to electoral funds, for underhand commissions, or favours granted to interested protectors, but in consideration of the needs of the country and the real price of the value received. Contractors will honestly serve their country, they will not have to serve political parties or politicians. The National Unity Government will make it a highly serious crime to offer, give or receive on either side gratuities or commissions for contracts, jobs or positions. Canada is too great a country to be for sale and the Canadian people are too noble a force to be sold. The time of democratic corruption is past indeed, and over. The National Unity Government will sweep away even its last remnants. Those who will best succeed will owe it to their zeal, their initiative, the use of their talent and not to money.


One of the most thorny problems that Canada has to solve, a problem which is also most urgent is that of the Canadian railways.

The old political parties fear to resolutely apply a solution be-cause their still undeclared solutions are so unjust that they


dread alienating public opinion if they dared make them known. After a long period of “laisser-faire“, the incompetents of financial democracy have hidden behind the policy of “do-nothing”. The leader of the Conservative Party has solemnly declared that the problem is insoluble; a splendid reason for doing nothing, especially from a man who was for five years Minister of Railways! The Liberals, on their side, have been satisfied with piling up gigantic deficits.

Two solutions are currently put forth: that of the great capitalists and that of the collectivists (advanced liberals, socialists, communists).

The great capitalists would like the whole property and the whole power of the Canadian railways to fall into their hands.

The collectivists, or the Reds of all shades, would like the rail-ways to be the exclusive property of the State.

The National Unity Party of Canada rejects both these solutions.

The railways are too great a power to be in the hands of a handful of capitalists, to be a private property. For this power is such that it can be an instrument of blackmail against the State itself.

State socialization pure and simple is moreover a bad solution because it means the definite destruction of all personal initiative in this domain which especially needs it.

For National Unity, it is again the corporatist system which will settle this important problem in the most just way.



There will be, as in the case of the other great national activities, a National Corporation of Transportation. This corporation will be formed of all employees of the railways, technical staff and management, representatives of those who have invested only in the railways and representatives of the public.

This National Corporation of Transportation will take charge of all the railways on Canadian territory. It will issue new shares in exchange for those which have been issued by the old companies. It will be responsible for the financial and technical structures of the railways entrusted to its competence. It will be responsible for operation and service.

The great railway network of the country will not be the business of a few capitalists or the plaything of politicians. It will be in the hands of technicians of industry, it will be directed by experts on the question. All who share in railway activity will be partners working for the country at the same time as for them-selves. Their great National Corporation, self-governing like all the others, watched over by the State, coordinated with all the others and the general purpose envisaged by the whole country, it will itself set the conditions of its interior life and will determine itself its advancement and progress.

The government will not cancel the enormous debts incurred to it by the railways. These belong to the people and they have the right to find their property where they put their money.


The National Unity government will have its railway debts paid by service to the Canadian people. Because, under the forthcoming nationalist system, the Canadian people will use their railways. They will use them extensively. They will learn to


know their country. Canadian youth will learn to know Canada and love it better. Canadian children will early learn to appreciate their wonderful homeland and their fellow-citizens of all the provinces. Thousands of young French-Canadians with their guardians, teachers, doctors and nurses, will go each summer and spend holidays on the shores of the Pacific or Atlantic. Thousands of young Canadians of the Maritime Provinces will go and spend holidays in Ontario. Thousands of Canadian chil-dren from British Columbia will go to vacation colonies set up in the Laurentians or in the Gaspé peninsula, and so on.


Each summer half a million of our Canadian children will have holidays, open air and physical training. As they reach adolescence after several different holidays, they will know what Canada is. They will have a very clear vision of it. They will know the other provinces. They will have learned to esteem their distant fellow-citizens and be esteemed by them. The new generation, by its knowledge of the country and its conception of what it can be and must be will mould national unity for the future.

Our pupils and students will travel and will go and see operating on the spot the different industries to which they may wish to devote themselves.

Our veterans of past wars will have the privilege of travelling free on Canadian railways.

Our railways, by their contribution to this great national work, will thus repay the Canadian people for the billions which it has advanced to them.

The railways will be freed from the intervention of politicians and capitalist speculation. They will no longer know the fatal


results of stock-jobbing or of patronage. They will have guarantees of sure survival. They will be able to protect themselves. They will be able to transform certain unused rights-of-way into super-speedy arteries of motor transportation, which they can develop themselves or hand over to the country to extinguish their debts. Freed from their fetters, they will be able to put to use all that initiative can contribute in the domain of science and progress.

Statism and stock-jobbing capitalism have been tried. They can-not settle satisfactorily our railway problem. Corporatism alone will apply the practical, just and ideal solution.


The old party system, financial democracy, has taken control of the social classes of the country and has practically ruined them all, for the benefit of great international organizations always under Jew control. Financial democracy has driven the country and its public institutions toward bankruptcy.

Farming, labour, commerce, industry, fisheries, transportation, etc., have been directed and ruined by people who know nothing about them and were not responsible to these great national activities.

Each class, each activity, must take back its control, its powers, its initiative, its responsibilities. This is an essential condition of order. Each class is capable of giving itself forms, leaders, staffs and leadership; of finding in its own ability all that it needs to prosper. Class cooperation must replace the democratic class struggle. Only the corporatist system, the political-economic-social system of the new day can bring about these results. The National Unity Party of Canada is the only federal movement which heralds Canadian Corporatism made for Canada in the


Canadian spirit, and this Party alone is able to make it triumph and apply it.


It has been sometimes asked whether it would not be possible to apply Corporatism in democracy, under financial liberalism. This would be a complete impossibility. In the first place, because the corporations would be again divided into all sorts of political factions which would argue about influence within their ranks, would set members of corporations against each other in partisan quarrels, would perpetuate patronage and favoritism. Further, because liberal-democracy demands control of whole classes of the people (agriculture, labour, industry, fisheries, commerce, etc.) by politicians.

Liberal-democracy is “laisser-faire” and do-nothingness, dog-eat-dog competition, while Corporatism is discipline and coordination. To fix salaries and wages, prices and working conditions rigidly is dictatorship, but a dictatorship which each class freely imposes upon itself. Corporatism and laisser-faire are irreconcilable with each other and it is folly to think they can be made to function together, to wed national corporatism with liberal-democracy, authority with lack of discipline, and order with anarchy.


Canada for Canadians.


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Un cadeau pour mes lecteurs Canadiens français : “La Republique Universelle” d’Adrien Arcand, un vrai original français, scanné et converti en texte recherchable

La Republique Universelle d'Adrien Arcand

La Republique Universelle” d’Adrien Arcand, un vrai original français

Téléchargez-le maintenant! C’est gratuit.  Le seul original sur Internet.  Le texte complet enfin, aucun mot ne manque!

D’où vient-il? Il provenait de la Librairie Le Chercheur de Trésors au 1339, rue Ontario E, Montréal, QC H2L 1R8, la célèbre librairie du patrimoine québécois.  Lire la suite.

Je l’ai acheté pour compléter la toute première traduction anglaise. Et, maintenant, le document original en français se trouve à la BAnQ: il s’agit d’un cadeau d’Adrien Arcand Books aux Archives nationales du Québec.

Adrien Arcand's La République Universelle arrives in Vancouver!

Adrien Arcand’s La République Universelle arrives in Vancouver!

La réception du don par Xpresspost a été confirmée le mardi 16 avril 2019 à 08h27 par M. Daniel Chouinard, Bibliothécaire, Direction des acquisitions et de la préservation des collections patrimoniales, Bibliothèque et archives nationales du Québec, 2275, rue Holt Montréal (Québec) H2G 3H1.

Passez une belle journée, Québec!

<i>La République Universelle</i>, annonce mise en vente en ligne par Librairie le Chercheur de Trésors (80,00$)

La République Universelle, annonce mise en vente en ligne par Librairie le Chercheur de Trésors (80,00$)

New free eBook:  The Swastika, What it Represents, Adrien Arcand (1933)

New free eBook:  The Swastika, What it Represents, Adrien Arcand (1933).FRONT COVER

New free eBook:  The Swastika, What it Represents, Adrien Arcand (1933).BACK COVER


The Swastika What it Reoresents, Adrien Arcand, flash flipbook

The Swastika What it Reoresents, Adrien Arcand (1933). One download, all formats: pdf, flash flipbook, azw3, epub, fb2, lit, lrf, mobi, pdb, tcr



“The Swastika, What it Represents” is the closing segment to Adrien Arcand’s 1933 address in French entitled “Fascisme ou Socialisme ?” (“Fascism or Socialism?”) given at Montreal and published by Le Patriote.  It is found on pages 65, 66 and 67 of the French talk.

This eBook presents an exclusive English translation of Adrien Arcand’s 1933 explanation of what the Swastika means to him.  This English translation was first prepared on 31 July 2017.


For Adrien Arcand, who stated:

“The Christ had said and proven that these descendants of Abraham were to reign eternally over all, and above all was He, the only Son of the Father, not created but engendered by the Father, ever after known by the name of YHVH, Jehovah, Sabbaoth, etc.”

— Down With Hate! 1965, page 20


1.  Chronologically misplaced

1.  Something located at a time when it could not have existed or occurred
2.  An artifact that belongs to another time


It would be anachronistic to interpret the intentions of Adrien Arcand using post-war interpretations of the swastika attributed to Hitler by various writers.  Adrien Arcand adopted the swastika in 1933, well before WWII (1939-1945), and he clearly explained what it meant for him.  It was a symbol to unite the family of white western peoples in mutual understanding, to prevent another world war among them.  It was the symbol of a common racial identity transcending international borders for the purpose of achieving “real world peace”.

A different understanding of the swastika cannot be removed from the post-war context and transposed backward in time onto a period of history when it did not have that meaning.  It cannot be imposed on a man for whom it did not have that meaning, in particular when the man has already explained precisely what it meant for him, in 1933.


Adrien Arcand, 1933



The Swastika, What it Represents

La Croix Gammée, ce qu’elle représente


The swastika from the frontispiece of Adrien Arcand’s Fascisme ou Socialisme? (1933)


Depuis leur dispersion les Juifs, répandus sur toute la terre, n’ont jamais cessé de former un tout compact, fanatiquement uni en ce qui concerne leurs intérêts nationaux.  Ce sont les plus ardents des nationalistes, leurs livres sacrés et profanes en font foi.

Since their dispersal, the Jews, spread over the whole Earth, have never ceased to form a compact whole, fanatically united in regard to their national interests.  They are the most ardent of nationalists, as their sacred and profane books prove.

Qu’ils soient en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en France, aux Etats-Unis, en Pologne ou en Canada, les Juifs restent immuablement Juifs, à cause de ce profond nationalisme qui les caractérise.  Là où ils se trouvent, ils n’ont pas voulu devenir des Allemands, des Anglais, des Français, des Américains ou des Canadiens, alors que les vieilles races romaine, celtique, gauloise, francque, etc., se sont fondues en groupes plus généralisés, plus souples et plus civilisés.  La marche du temps et le travail des siècles ont raffiné et policé toutes les races, mais rien n’a pu altérer la juiverie et le juivisme.  Ils sont exactement aujourd’hui ce qu’ils étaient au temps de Moïse, au temps du Christ et au temps de Maïmonides, les agents, les apôtres, les propagateurs du matérialisme.

Whether in Germany, in England, in France, in the United States, in Poland or in Canada, the Jews remain immutably Jews because of this profound nationalism which characterizes them.  Wherever they are found, they have not wanted to become Germans, English, French, Americans or Canadians, whereas the old races, the Roman, Celtic, Gallic, Frank, etc., have merged into more generalized groups, more flexible and more civilized.  The march of time and the work of centuries have refined and polished all the races, but nothing has been able to alter Jewry or Jewism.  They are today exactly what they were in the time of Moses, in the time of Christ and in the time of Maimonides1, the agents, the apostles, the propagators of materialism.

Ceci s’explique parce que les Juifs, ne se considérant nulle part dans leur patrie, ne trouvant dans aucun pays un foyer de judaïsme, se sont confinés aux intérêts matériels des pays qui les recevaient, sans vouloir en accepter les intérêts spirituels et moraux.  Si les Juifs subissent avec plus ou moins de loyauté le drapeau qui les héberge, parée que ce n’est jamais leur drapeau, ils se rangent tous unanimement sous la bannière de l’Etoile de Sion, faite de deux triangles entrelacés.  C’est le symbole du nationalisme juif, leur emblème national, et ils l’affichent dans tous les pays où ils se trouvent.  Dans leur lutte pour la domination du monde, les Juifs d’Angleterre mettent de côté le drapeau anglais, de même font les Juifs français en France, de même les Juifs canadiens au Canada, pour reconnaître au-dessus de tout et avant tout l’étendard sioniste.  Seuls les sémites, ou descendants de Sem, arborent ce drapeau ; le symbole des triangles entrelacés s’est même imposé chez certains Arabes.

This is explained because the Jews, who never con-sider themselves as in their own country anywhere, finding in no country a home for Judaism, have con-fined themselves to the material interests of the coun-tries which receive them, without wishing to accept the spiritual and moral interests.  If the Jews suffer with more or less loyalty the flag which accommodates them, because it is never their flag, they unanimously draw together under the banner of the Star of Zion, made of two interlaced triangles.  This is the symbol of Jewish nationalism, their national emblem, and they fly it in every country where they are found.  In their struggle for world domination, the Jews of England put the English flag aside, the Jews of France do likewise, as also do the Canadian Jews in Canada, to recognize above all and before all the Zionist standard.  Only the Semites, or descendants of Sem, sport this flag; the symbol of the interlaced triangles is even mandated among certain Arabs.


La Croix Gammée

The Swastika

Devant l’assaut des Juifs contre les races blanches ou Japhétiques (issues de Japhet), celles-ci tendent à graduellement se liguer dans un vaste mouvement défensif. Ce n’est pas par suite de propagande allemande, mais parce que tous ont conscience de la même attaque et ressentent le même danger, que tous les pays tendent simultanément vers un antisémitisme protecteur; c’est parce que chaque nation voit et constate ce que Ton a vu en Allemagne. Aussi a-t-on le spectacle d’une immense contraction, dans tous les pays de race blanche, pour se garer contre un péril dont on ne peut plus nier l’existence. La descendance de Japhet, dans un grand mouvement général et sous certains aspects inconscient, se lève pour répondre à l’offensive de la descendance de Sem.

Faced with the assault of the Jews against the white races or Japhetics (the descendants of Japheth), these latter tended gradually to league together in a vast defensive movement.  It is not because of German propaganda, but because all are conscious of the same attack and feel the same danger that all the countries tend simultaneously toward a protective anti-Semitism; it is because each nation sees and recognizes what has been seen in Germany.  We also have the spectacle of an immense contraction, in all the white countries, to save themselves from a peril the existence of which can no longer be denied.  The descendants of Japheth, in a great general movement and from some unconscious aspects, are rising up to reply to the offensive of the descendants of Sem.

Au-dessus de nos caractéristiques secondaires anglaise, française, italienne, allemande ou autre, il y a une grande caractéristique basique et fondamentale: nous sommes tous de race blanche. Si nous avons chacun, suivant notre patrie, un drapeau national, noua avons tous, en tant que membres de la race blanche, un emblème commun qui da symbolise : la croix gammée ou swastika, dont nous donnons la reproduction en page frontispice.

Beyond our English, French, Italian, German or other secondary characteristics, there is a great basic and fundamental characteristic; we are all of the white race.  If we each have, according to our country, a national flag, we all have, as members of the white race, a common emblem which symbolizes it:  the legged cross or swastika, reproduced on the frontispiece.

La croix gammée n’est pas un symbole hitlérien ni un emblème national. C’est un étendard générique qui rassemble sous son ombre tous les membres de la race indo-aryenne, à laquelle les blancs appartiennent. Si ce signe est si haineusement dénoncé par les Juifs, c’est parce que les sémites ne peuvent pa3 s’en prévaloir. Le Juif peut se réclamer du drapeau anglais, du drapeau français, de n’importe quel symbole religieux qu’il accepte, mais jamais et pour aucune considération il ne pourra se mettre sous l’égide de la croix gammée, parce qu’aucune puissance ne peut en faire un indo-aryen.

The swastika is not a Hitlerian symbol nor a national emblem.  It is a generic standard which gathers together in its shade all the members of the Indo-Aryan race, to which the whites belong.  If this sign is hatefully denounced by the Jews, it is because the Semites cannot claim it.  The Jew can claim for himself an English flag, or a French flag, or whatever religious symbol he will accept, but never and for no consideration can he place himself under the swastika, because no power can make an Indo-Aryan.

La plus récente étude scientifique faite sur les origines de la croix gammée Ta été par le professeur W.-Norman Brown, D.Ph., de l’Université de Pennsylvanie, où il enseigne le sanscrit. Dans cette étude (août 1933), le professeur Brown, qui est un anti-hitlérien, affirme que la croix gammée a d’abord été employée dans les régions “japhétiques” (vallée de l’In-dus, Bélouchistan, Troie, Suse, Chypre, Rhodes, Athènes) aussi lointainement que trois mille ans avant l’ère chrétienne, comme l’attestent les découvertes archéologiques; que cet emblème ne fut jamais employé par les sémites, qu’on ne le trouve pas dans les antiquités de leurs territoires. Depuis l’an 2,000 avant Jésus-Christ, le swastika fut toujours employé avec profusion par tous les groupes de la race indo-aryenne. Aujourd’hui, il forme un point de ralliement pour tous les “japhétiques” assaillis par les sémites dans une invasion et un combat non-sanguinaires, mais économiques, politiques et dont les conséquences sont identiques à celles d’une conquête armée.

The most recent scientific study conducted on the origins of the swastika was by Professor W.-Norman Brown, Ph.D., of the University of Pennsylvania, where he taught Sanskrit.  In this study (August 1933), Professor Brown, who is an anti-Hitlerian, affirmed that the swastika was first employed in the “Japhetic” regions (Indus Valley, Baluchistan, Troy, Susa, Cyprus, Rhodes, Athens) as long ago as three thousand years before the Christian era, as attested by archaeological discoveries; that this emblem was never used by the Semites, that it is not found among the antiquities of their territories.  Since the year 2,000 before Jesus Christ, the swastika was always employed with profusion by all the groups of the Indo-Aryan race.  Today, it forms a rallying point for all the “Japhetics” [Whites] assailed by the Semites in a bloodless but economic and political invasion and combat, the consequences of which are identical to those of a conquering army.


La Croix Gammée

The Swastika

Que l’on discute tant que l’on voudra la pureté de telle section indo-aryenne, il n’en reste pas moins que la race blanche est la race blanche, que les descendants de Japhet n’ont rien de commun’ avec les descendants de Sem, qu’ils diffèrent par des instincts fondamentalement opposés, que les tendances spirituelles des premiers ne pourront jamais s’allier aux tendances matérialistes des autres.

Discuss as you may the purity of a particular Indo-Aryan section, it nonetheless remains that the white race is the white race, that the descendants of Japheth have nothing in common with the descendants of Sem, that they differ by fundamentally opposed instincts, that the spiritual tendencies of the former can never be allied to the materialist tendencies of the others.

Les fascistes antisémites de tous les pays ont adopté pour emblème la croix gammée, symbole de leur race.  Bien que le fascisme soit énergiquement nationaliste, il trouve dans la croix gammée la clef d’un internationalisme qui doit répondre à l’internationalisme juif, puisque le combat engagé ne peut être gagné autrement.  De même, bien que les fascistes antisémites soient positivement chrétiens, ils ne veulent pas traîner dans la poussière du combat la croix chrétienne, symbole religieux, parce qu’il ne s’agit pas d’une guerre religieuse.

The fascist anti-Semites of all countries have adopted as their emblem the swastika, the symbol of their race.  Although fascism is energetically nationalist, it finds in the swastika the key to an internationalism which must answer Jewish internationalism, because the combat engaged cannot be won otherwise.  Similarly, although the fascist anti-Semites are positively Christian, they do not want to drag their Christian cross, a religious symbol, into the dust of battle, because this is not a religious war.

La croix gammée est et restera le symbole de ralliement de la race blanche, dans son effort mondial pour se dégager de la domination économique et politique des Juifs. Comme les Juifs s’inspirent de leur Etoile de Sion, l’affichent, en font un mot d’ordre au sein de leur race, il faut que les “japhé-tiques” arborent sans crainte leur swastika, s’en inspirent, s’en fassent un mot d’ordre, afin que les peuples de race blanche cessent de s’entre-déchirer, de se craindre, de se laisser diviser par les Juifs, afin qu’ils puissent se comprendre, s’entendre et, écoutant la voix de leur sang et leurs instincts communs, parviennent à la véritable paix mondiale.

The swastika is and will remain the rallying symbol of the white race in its world-wide effort to throw off the economic and political domination of the Jews.  As the Jews take inspiration from their Star of Zion, exhibiting it, making it a watchword among their race, the Japhetics must wear their swastika without fear, take inspiration from it, make it a watchword, in order that the peoples of the white race stop their internal quarreling, cease to fear each other and to allow themselves to be divided by the Jews, so that they can understand each other, agree with each other, and listening to the voice of their blood and their shared instincts, arrive at real world peace.

Que partout flotte fièrement et victorieusement la croix gammée !

May the swastika fly proudly and victoriously everywhere!

“Le Patriote”

“Le Patriote”



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New free e-Book:  A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand, a Biographical Sketch by his National Unity Party of Canada from 1983

Biographical Sketch of Adrien Arcand (1983)

A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand (1983)

Biographical Sketch, A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand (1983)

Biographical Sketch, A Short Study of the Life of Adrien Arcand (1983). The ZIP contains the following versions:  PDF, epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf and flash flipbook.  Click on the image above to download the eBook.

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“Scandale” on the scanning glass in the Quebec Archives, 16 January 2018

“Scandale” on the scanning glass in the Quebec Archives, 16 January 2018

Scandale in the catalogue of the Quebec Archives

Scandale in the catalogue of the Quebec Archives

This biographical sketch is taken from Section 1, pages 5-18, of Adrien Arcand devant le tribunal de l’histoire:  Scandale à la société Radio-Canada (“Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at Radio-Canada”), meaning the French-language CBC.  The specific authorship of Scandal is unknown, although the writing style is reminiscent of Adrien Arcand himself.  Scandal bears the name of Arcand’s last political party as its publisher, the Partie de L’Unité Nationale du Canada and is dated 1983, about sixteen years after Arcand’s death in 1967.  Mr. Gérard Lanctôt was leader of the N.U.P.C. at the time Scandal was published.

The biographical sketch of Adrien Arcand is valuable, with a portrait of his youth as one of twelve children of a religious and hard-working Catholic family.  His schooling, including studies in philosophy, and his background as a Lieutenant in the Royal Canadian Militia are noted.  Some detail is given on his character in terms of his activities as a journalist with the daily and weekly press, as a labor union organizer, and as the founder of a French-Canadian authors’ association.  His trials in a Canadian concentration camp in World War II and his heroism are recorded poignantly.

Adrien Arcand circa 1938

Adrien Arcand circa 1938

Adrien Arcand:  Biographical Sketch

Adrien Arcand : Esquisse biographique

Exclusive English Translation for Adrien Arcand Books, from Section 1 of Adrien Arcand devant le tribunal de l’histoire :  Scandale à la société Radio-Canada (Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada) circa 1983 by Arcand’s then still existing National Unity Party of Canada.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand naquit â Montréal, paroisse de l’Immaculée-Conception, le 3 octobre 1899.  Son père, Narcisse Arcand, originaire de Saint-Joseph-de-Deschambault (Portneuf), était charpentier et s’occupa d’organisation syndicale.  Sa mère, Marie-Anne Mathieu, avait vu le jour à Sainte-Marie-de-Beauce, et s’illustra comme directrice d’école, organiste et maîtresse de chapelle.

Adrien Arcand was born at Montreal, in the Parish of the Immaculate Conception on October 3rd, 1899.  His father, Narcisse Arcand, originally from Saint-Joseph-de-Deschambault (Portneuf), was a carpenter involved in trade union organizing.  His mother, Marie-Anne Mathieu, came into the world at Sainte-Marie-de-Beauce and made her name as a school directress, organist and mistress of the chapel.

Cette famille ouvrière compta douze enfants, dont Adrien fut le quatrième.  Rendant hommage à ses parents, M. Arcand écrira :  “Je dois à une mère excessivement intelligente et foncièrement chrétienne des principes que je trouve excellents et un goût particulier pour écrire ce que je pense ; à un père énergique et très courageux, un amour du travail qui fut mon plus bel héritage et une certaine crânerie que les uns louent et les autres blâment (Biographies canadiennes-française, Montréal, 1930, p. 340)

This worker family had twelve children, Adrien being the fourth.  In honor of his parents, Mr. Arcand wrote:  “I owe to my highly intelligent and deeply Christian mother principles that I find excellent, and a special taste for writing what I think; to an energetic and quite courageous father, a love of work which has been my best heritage and a measure of fighting spirit that some admire and others fault.”  (Biographies canadiennes-française, Montréal, 1930, p. 340)

Adrien Arcand fut élève à l’école Saint-Stanislas.  Il fit ses études secondaires au Collège de Saint-Jean et au Collège de Montréal (conventum 1919).  Il commença sa philosophie au Collège Sainte-Marie tout en suivant, le soir, les leçons de l’ingénieur Paul DeGuise, au laboratoire des Produits Forestiers (attaché à l’Université McGill).  Le jeune Adrien désirait devenir ingénieur chimiste.

Adrien Arcand was a student at Saint Stanislaus school.  He did his secondary studies at Collège de Saint-Jean and at Collège de Montréal (graduating in 1919).  He began his philosophy at Collège Sainte-Marie while studying evenings with the engineer Paul DeGuise, at the Forest Products laboratory (attached to McGill University).  The young Adrien wanted to become a chemical engineer.

Malheureusement, ce projet de carrière scientifique fut brisé par la maladie.  En effet, une épidémie de grippe espagnole frappa le Canada à cette

Unhappily, this scientific career plan was destroyed by illness.  An epidemic of the Spanish influenza hit Canada at this


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

époque, et Adrien Arcand fut cloué au lit pendant neuf mois.  Il aurait pu y perdre la vie, car l’épidémie fit 43000 morts au Canada, 13000 au Québec et 3000 à Montréal (sur 30000 cas enregistrés dans la métropole canadienne).

time, and Adrien Arcand was confined to bed for nine months.  He could have lost his life, for the epidemic left 43,000 dead in Canada:  13,000 in Quebec and 3,000 in Montreal (out of 30,000 recorded cases in the Canadian metropolis).

A compter de 1920, il gagna sa vie comme Journaliste, à La Patrie (quotidien), à La Presse et au Montréal Star — puisqu’il maîtrisait l’anglais aussi bien que sa langue maternelle.  En 1923, il fut l’un des fondateurs, et vice-président, de la Société des Auteurs canadiens-français.

As of 1920, he earned his living as a Journalist, at La Patrie (a daily), at La Presse and at the Montreal Star — mastering English as well as his mother tongue.  In 1923, he was one of the founders, and vice-president, of the Society of French-Canadian Authors.

Après instruction réglementaire, il obtint en 1924 le grade de lieutenant dans la Milice Royale du Canada, au régiment de Châteauguay, dont il dessina l’écusson officiel avec son frère, le Major Louis-Georges Arcand.

In 1924, after basic training, he obtained the rank of Lieutenant in the Royal Canadian Militia with the Châteauguay regiment, whose official emblem he designed with his brother, Major Louis-Georges Arcand.

Le 14 avril 1925, il épousa Yvonne Giguère, de Québec.  Ils eurent trois fils :  Yves-Adrien, Jean-Louis et Pierre.

On April 14, 1925, he married Yvonne Giguère of Quebec City.  They had three sons:  Yves-Adrien, Jean-Louis and Pierre.

Tenant l’emploi de chroniqueur judiciaire et théâtral à La Presse, M. Arcand fonda le Syndicat Catholique des Journalistes de Montréal, dont il assuma la présidence.  La direction du quotidien ne vit pas cette affaire d’un bon oeil et entreprit d’anéantir le syndicat.  Voyons comment M. Joseph Bourdon, vétéran de la profession, raconte ces événements de 1929 :

While employed as a legal and theatrical columnist at La Presse, Mr. Arcand founded the Union of Catholic Journalists of Montreal, assuming its presidency.  Management of the daily looked askance on the matter and moved to annihilate the union.  Mr. Joseph Bourdon, a veteran in the profession, tells the story of the events of 1929 as follows:

“(…) Sans avoir vécu dans l’intimité de M. Arcand durant des années, il fut un certain temps où nous nous voyions, nous nous entretenions quotidiennement. Et, j’ai toujours apprécié ses grandes qualités de coeur et d’esprit.  C’était un honnête homme.  Et je peux vous citer un autre fait …  Il avait été congédié de La Presse avec Hervé Gagné (…).  Or, Hervé Gagné et Adrien Arcand veulent organiser un syndicat de journalistes à La Presse et sont mis à pied, parce qu’ils refusent de signer un document disant qu’ils ne font pas partie du syndicat.  Mais Adrien Arcand et Hervé Gagné disent à

(…) Not having lived in proximity to Mr. Arcand in those years, there was a period when we saw one another, when we talked together daily.  And I always appreciated his great qualities of heart and spirit.  He was an honest man.  And I can cite another fact for you: … He had been fired from La Presse along with Hervé Gagné (…).  Now, Hervé Gagné and Adrien Arcand wanted to organize a journalists’ union at La Presse and were fired because they refused to sign a document stating that they would not take part in a union.  But Adrien Arcand and Hervé Gagné told


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

leurs confrères :  “Signez-le, le papier, et ne quittez pas …  Vous n’avez pas les moyens de quitter vos emplois !”  Ça démontre un peu le coeur qu’avait Adrien Arcand :  il ne voulait pas que les gens se retrouvent dans la rue à cause de lui »  Parce qu’à ce moment-là le syndicalisme n’était pas tellement fort.”  (“C’était un honnête homme, c’était un grand chrétien!”, Serviam, 7-8/1982, p. 9)

their colleagues:  “Sign it, sign the paper, and don’t leave … you don’t have the means to leave your jobs!”  That shows, a little, the heart that Adrien Arcand had:  he didn’t want people to find themselves in the street because of him.  Because at that time, trade unionism wasn’t very strong.”  (“He was an honest man, he was a great Christian!”  Serviam, 7-8/1982, p. 9)

M. Bourdon explique ensuite que M. Oswald Mayrand fut accusé à tort, en 1955 (et par un syndica­liste), d’avoir causé la perte du Syndicat Catholi­que des Journalistes :

Mr. Bourdon then explains that Mr. Oswald Mayrand was falsely accused, in 1955 (and by a trade unionist), of having caused the loss of the Union of Catholic Journalists :

“Alors Adrien Arcand a eu connaissance de ça et il a écrit une longue lettre à M. Mayrand pour lui dire que c’était faux, que c’était de la calomnie, tout ce qu’on venait d’écrire sur lui, que jamais il n’avait contribué ou à la destruction du syndicat ou à sa mise à pied à lui.&nbps; Et il lui dit :  c’est monsieur Untel — il nomme le personnage — qui était un fiduciaire de La Presse, qui avait tout manigancé ça, qui avait exigé les signatures et tout ça, alors que M. Mayrand, lui, avait tout bonnement suivi les directives, n’avait rien fait pour empêcher la formation d’un syndicat.  Alors là on reconnaît bien Adrien Arcand, son esprit de justice.”

“Then Adrien Arcand got wind of it and he wrote a long letter to Mr. Mayrand to tell him that this was untrue, that all that had just been written about him was defamatory, that he had never contributed to the destruction of the Union or to his [Arcand’s] firing.  And he told him, it’s Mr. So-and-So — he named the person — who was a trustee of La Presse, who engineered all that, who required the signatures and all, while Mr. Mayrand had only quite correctly followed orders, had never done anything to prevent the formation of a union.  So, here we clearly recognize Adrien Arcand, his spirit of justice.”

Congédié par La Presse après une dizaine d’an­nées de loyaux services, réduit à ne compter que sur son travail et son talent, Adrien Arcand lance un hebdomadaire humoristique et polémique, Le Goglu, dont le premier numéro paraît le 8 août 1929, et dont il rédige la presque totalité du contenu en signant “Emile Goglu”.

Fired by La Presse after a dozen years of loyal service, reduced to counting on nothing but his talent and his work, Adrien Arcand launched a humorous and controversial weekly, Le Goglu, whose first issue appeared on August 8th, 1929, almost the whole content of which he wrote, signing “Emile Goglu”.

Le succès de ce journal est foudroyant.  Il atteint très vite le tirage phénoménal de 65 000 exemplaires vendus.  On se l’arrache dans les vil­lages les plus reculés.  Des gens âgés, pour qui le nom d’Adrien Arcand n’évoque rien, se souviennent quand même, avec enthousiasme, du Goglu.

The success of the paper was mind-boggling.  It quickly achieved the phenomenal print-run of 65,000 copies sold.  It was snatched up in the most remote villages.  Old folks, for whom the name of Adrien Arcand means nothing, nonetheless remember the Goglu with enthusiasm.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

D’inspiration conservatrice, Le Goglu ne ménage guère les pontes du régime libéral corrompu d’Alexandre Taschereau.  Ses pages sont ornées de caricatures percutantes qui réjouissent le public.  Ce ne sera pas le cas des adversaires du journal, qui, à la veille des élections du 24 août 1931, profitent d’un dimanche matin pour aller saccager et incendier l’atelier qui l’imprimait.

Conservative in orientation, the Goglu hardly feathered the nest of Alexander Taschereau’s corrupt Liberal regime.  Its pages were ornamented with sizzling caricatures which thrilled the public.  But not the paper’s adversaries, who, on the Sunday morning before the elections of August 24th 1931, sacked and burned the press and workshop that produced it.

Entretemps, Adrien Arcand s’est engagé dans la bataille contre la création d’un système scolaire Israélite, disposant d’un comité confessionnel au sein du Conseil de l’Instruction Publique.  Il s’agit d’un projet de loi déposé par le Secrétaire de la Province, Athanase David, sous l’attention zélée des députés libéraux Cohen et Bercovitch.

Meanwhile, Adrien Arcand engaged in battle against the creation of a Jewish school system with a confessional committee inside the Council of Public Instruction.  At issue was a bill tabled by the Provincial Secretary, Athanase David, under the zealous care of MLAs Cohen and Bercovitch.

Mgr Georges Gauthier, archevêque co-adjuteur de Montréal, avait dénoncé sans équivoque ce pro­jet, à l’Oratoire Saint-Joseph.  Il demanda expres­sément à M. Arcand d’alarmer ses lecteurs sur ce péril, ce qu’il fit (ce fait est confirmé au tome xxxi de l’Histoire de la Province de Québec de Ro­bert Rumilly, p. 176).

Monsignor Georges Gauthier, Archbishop Coadjutor of Montreal, had unequivocally denounced the bill, in Saint Joseph’s Oratory.  He expressly asked Mr. Arcand to alarm his readers on this danger, which he did (this fact is confirmed in tome xxi of (translation:  History of the Province of Quebec by Robert Rumilly, p. 176).

Suite à cette prise de position, M. Arcand vit affluer dans son courrier une abondante correspon­dance, dont plusieurs documentts provenant de l’étranger, notamment de Grande-Bretagne.  Il étudia cette documentation et acquit ses solides convic­tions sur les causes profondes de la décadence de notre Civilisation chrétienne occidentale, sur l’o­rigine des crises, guerres, révolutions, tyrannies ravageant le monde, sur la racine des maux répan­dus par la Haute Finance et le Communisme.

After taking this position, Mr. Arcand found in his mail a growing flood of correspondence from overseas, in particular, Great Britain.  He studied this documentation and acquired a solid conviction on the deep causes of the decadence of our western Christian Civilization, on the origin of the crises, wars, revolutions and tyrannies ravaging the world, on the root of the evils being spread by High Finance and Communism.

En novembre 1929, dans les pages du Goglu et des autres journaux qu’il animait (Le Chameau et Le Miroir), M. Arcand avait suggéré l’idée d’organiser un vaste mouvement nationaliste.  C’est ainsi que quelques semaines plus tard, l’Ordre Patriotique des Goglus se mettait à fonctionner, et à diffuser la doctrine que M. Arcand avait élaborée.

In November 1929, in the pages of The Goglu and other papers he emceed, (Le Chameau and Le Miroir) (translation:  “The Camel” and “The Mirror”), Mr. Arcand suggested the idea of organizing a vast nationalist movement.  This is how, a few weeks later, the Patriotic Order of the Goglus went into operation, to spread the doctrine that Mr. Arcand had elaborated.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

Comme la tache de défendre notre Civilisation contre les assauts anti-chrétiens parut finalement à l’étroit dans le cadre d’un simple mouvement, M. Arcand fonda le Parti National Social Chrétien en octobre 1933.  C’était une amère déception pour plusieurs formations politiques traditionnelles, qui avaient tenté de l’amadouer et de l’attirer dans leurs rangs.

Since the task of defending our Civilization against anti-Christian assaults seemed finally in straits within the framework of a simple movement, Mr. Arcand founded the National Social Christian Party in October of 1933.  This was a bitter disappointment for a number of traditional political formations, who had tried to woo him and attract him into their ranks.

Le P.N.S.C. reprenait les idées de l’Ordre qui l’avait précédé, il prônait le corporatisme, la doctrine sociale de l’Eglise et participait au courant de droite qui traversait tout l’Occident, de l’Angleterre de Mosley à la Belgique de Degrelle, de l’Allemagne de Hitler à l’Italie de Mussolini.

The N.S.C.P. took up the ideas of the preceding Order, it advocated corporatism, the social doctrine of the Church and participated in the current of the right which crossed the West, from the England of Mosley to the Belgium of Degrelle, from Hitler’s Germany to Mussolini’s Italy.

Au bout de cinq ans, après que la nécessite de fusionner toutes les forces nationalistes de droite de notre pays se fît sentir, le Parti de l’Unité Nationale du Canada fut formé.  Réunis à Kingston le 1er juillet 1938, les représentants de huit formations politiques des différentes provinces canadiennes (seule la petite Ile-du-Prince-Edouard n’en n’avait pas) élirent Adrien Arcand, à l’unanimité, chef du nouveau parti.  M. Arcand ne voyait pas ce poste de chef comme son privilège exclusif, mais comme une obligation qu’il aurait volontiers confiée à un autre ; les circonstances firent qu’il le conserva jusqu’à sa mort.

At the end of five years, after the necessity made itself felt of merging all the nationalist forces of the right in our country, the National Unity Party of Canada was formed.  Meeting at Kingston on July 1st, 1938, the representatives of eight different Canadian provincial political formations (the tiny Prince Edward Island was not among them) elected Adrien Arcand, unanimously, as leader of the new party.  Mr. Arcand did not see this post of leader as his exclusive privilege, but as a duty he would voluntarily have entrusted to another; circumstances were such that he retained it until his death.

Parti d’envergure nationale, le P.U.N.C. rompait définitivement avec les maquignonnages politiques du passé.  Au Premier ministre fédéral R. B. Bennett qui lui avait offert le portefeuille de ministre du Travail en 1935, Adrien Arcand répondit que les partis “bleu” et “rouge” étaient appelés à disparaître et que l’humanité serait confrontée au choix de tomber sous la coupe du communisme ou de vivre libre sous un régime résolument anti-communiste.  Le P.U.N.C. incarnait l’option d’un Canada affranchi de la menace communiste. [1]

A party national in scope, the N.U.P.C. broke definitively with the astringent political jousting of the past.  To federal Prime Minister R. B. Bennett who had offered him the Minister of Labour portfolio in 1935, Adrien Arcand replied that “blue” and “red” parties were slated to disappear and that humanity would be confronted with the choice of being cut down by Communism or of living free under a resolutely anti-Communist regime.  The N.U.P.C. embodied the option of a Canada free from the Communist threat. [1]

C’est sous la bannière marquée du flambeau que

It was under the banner of the torch that

[1]  Note du traducteur:  Il est vraiment dommage qu’Arcand n’ait jamais étudié le droit constitutionnel; il aurait pu apprendre que l’Acte de l’Amérique du Nord britannique de 1867 empêche une prise de pouvoir communiste en vertu de son serment d’allégeance.  Les communistes ne peuvent pas siéger et voter des lois pour le Canada, parce que le système communiste qu’ils poursuivent renverserait le Parlement, qui est permanent.  La tentative d’Arcand de mettre en œuvre le corporatisme au lieu de la Confédération était aussi un coup d’État.  Si Arcand avait pris le portefeuille du travail, il aurait peut-être appris quelque chose au sujet de la Constitution et apporté des changements importants à l’intérieur du système, notamment en interdisant l’immigration fédérale de personnes non assimilables.

[1]  Translator’s note:  It is really too bad that Arcand never studied constitutional law; he might have learned that the British North America Act of 1867 prevents a communist takeover by virtue of its oath of allegiance.  Communists cannot sit and vote laws for Canada, because the Communist system they pursue would overthrow the Parliament, which is permanent.  Arcand’s attempt to implement Corporatism instead of Confederation was also a coup d’état.  Had Arcand taken the Labour portfolio, he might have learned something about the Constitution and made some important changes from within the system, including barring the federal immigration of non-assimilating peoples.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

le P.U.N.C, par un recrutement intensif et de nombreuses assemblées, se préparait fébrilement aux élections qui approchaient, quand la guerre éclata en Europe en septembre 1939.  Cependant, plusieurs mois auparavant, M. Arcand l’avait prédite et avait expliqué qu’elle serait causée par les forces antichrétiennes, qui avaient intérêt à ce que les grandes nations occidentales, Allemagne, France, Grande-Bretagne et Italie, s’entre-déchirassent au profit du communisme international — ce qui est arrivé en fait.

the N.U.P.C., with intensive recruitment and numerous meetings, was feverishly preparing for the coming elections, when war broke out in Europe in September of 1939.  However, a few months earlier, Mr. Arcand had predicted it and had explained that it would be caused by antichristian forces, intending that the great western nations, Germany, France, Great Britain and Italy, tear each other to pieces to the advantage of international Communism — which in fact happened.

Face à ce cataclysme, Adrien Arcand manifestait sa fidélité indéfectible envers sa patrie.  Il offrit au gouvernement d’incorporer ses légionnaires au sein de l’Armée canedienne, ce qui lui fut refusé.  Et dès février 1939, ainsi que le rapportait un journal hostile au P.U.N.C., The Gazette, M. Arcand avait déclaré que les Canadiens français voudraient défendre la Grande-Bretagne si l’Italie l’attaquait injustement.

Faced with this cataclysm, Adrien Arcand demonstrated his unflinching loyalty to his country.  To the government, he offered to incorporate his legionnaires into the Canadian Army, which was declined.  And as of February 1939, as reported in a newspaper hostile to the N.U.P.C., The Gazette, Mr. Arcand had stated that the French Canadians would like to defend Great Britain if Italy attacked her unjustly.

Leader responsable, soucieux du sort des gens qui lui avaient fait confiance, il montra la même attitude, dans la guerre, que lors du conflit avec la direction de La Presse en 1929.  Il ordonna la suspension des activités du P.U.N.C. pour ne pas attirer les persécutions.  Dans le même esprit, il quitta ses fonctions à L’Illustration Nouvelle pour ne pas que le journal subisse les foudres de la censure et soit contraint à fermer ses portes.  M. Arcand partit en vacances dans les Laurentides en septembre 1939 et ne revint faire un tour à la rédaction de L’Illustration Nouvelle que pour une occasion sociale, vêtu d’une chemise comme celles que l’on porte dans les bois — et les chemises de bûcheron n’étaient pas la mode à l’époque … Il serait utile de signaler ici qu’au plus fort de sa carrière politique, M. Arcand ne cessa jamais de pratiquer intensément sa profession, ce que lui permettait sa grande capacité de travail.  “C’était

A responsible leader, concerned with the welfare of those who had placed their confidence in him, he demonstrated the same attitude, in the war, as during the conflict with the management of La Presse in 1929.  He ordered suspension of the activities of the N.U.P.C. so as not to attract persecutions.  In the same spirit, he left his functions at L’Illustration Nouvelle 1 so the paper would not suffer the wrath of censure and be compelled to close its doors.  Mr. Arcand went on vacation in the Laurentians in September 1939 and only returned to the editorial department of L’Illustration Nouvelle for a social occasion, dressed in a shirt like those worn in the woods … and lumberjack shirts were not fashionable at the time … It would be needless to indicate here that at the height of his political career, Mr. Arcand never stopped practising his profession, which his great capacity for work allowed him to do.  “He was

1  Note du traducteur:  L’Illustration Nouvelle fut un journal hebdomadaire.

1  Translator’s note:  L’Illustration Nouvelle was a weekly newspaper.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

un — ce qu’on appelait dans le métier, à l’époque du moins — un “pondeur”.  C’était un bonhomme qui s’assoyait à sa machine à écrire, et puis qui pouvait taper durant des heures et des heures, toujours au même rythme …”  (J. Bourdon)  Pendant les années d’avant-guerre, M. Arcand dirigea Le Fasciste Canadien, Le Siffleux, Le Combat National, dont il rédigeait la quasi entièreté.  Et en plus de son travail régulier à L’Illustration Nouvelle, il trouvait encore le temps de collaborer à quelques autres publications.

— what was called in the field, at the time at least — a “producer”.  He was a guy who could sit at his typewriter and type for hours and hours, always at the same rhythm  (J. Bourdon)  Through the pre-war years, Mr. Arcand directed (translation:) The Canadian Fascist, The Groundhog, The National Combat, whose content he almost entirely wrote himself.  And in addition to his regular work at L’Illustration Nouvelle, he still found time to collaborate on several other publications.

Plus la guerre avançait et plus il était évident que les agents du bellicisme avaient le dernier mot contre ceux qui recherchaient à conclure une paix.  Quand la “drôle de guerre” tourna au désastre pour les Alliés, au printemps de 1940, un vent de panique souffla sur les pays du Commonwealth:  on sonna l’alerte à la “cinquième colonne nazie”.  Même L’Illustration Nouvelle, qui connut un remaniement de son administration le 15 février 1940, versa alors dans l’hystérie ambiante, invitant ses lecteurs à se procurer des étiquettes marquées du slogan :  “Soyons patriotes !  Protégeons-nous contre la 5e colonne”.

The more the war advanced, the more it was evident that the agents of belligerency had the last word against those who sought to conclude a peace.  When the “phoney war”* turned to disaster for the Allies, in the spring of 1940, a wind of panic blew across the countries of the Commonwealth:  the alarm was sounded for the “Nazi fifth column”.  Even L’Illustration Nouvelle, whose administration had been remodeled on February 15th, 1940, threw itself into the atmosphere of hysteria, inviting its readers to obtain labels marked with the slogan:  “Be patriots!  Protect us from the 5th column”.

Les boucs émissaires des défaites alliées estaient tout désignés:  les partis de droite nationalistes.  M. Arcand savait d’avance qu’on s’en prendrait à lui.  Hector Grenon écrit d’ailleurs :  “En silence les listes de suspects avaient été fort bien préparées et en apparence depuis assez long-temps.  On n’a fait à personne l’injure de l’oublier.” (Notre peuple découvre le sport de la politique, p. 111)

The scapegoats of the defeated Allies were all singled out:  the parties of the nationalist right.  Mr. Arcand knew in advance that he would be picked up.  Hector Grenon moreover wrote:  “In silence the lists of suspects had been extremely well prepared and this, apparently, for some long time.  Nobody has been insulted by being overlooked.”  (Translation:)  (Our people discover the sport of politics, p. 111)

M. Arcand aurait pu s’enfuir, mais ne l’a pas fait, car il n’avait strictement rien à se reprocher, comme ses adjoints politiques et ses adhérents.  C’est en invoquant des rumeurs sans fondement qu’on l’arrêta, rumeurs savamment répandues par les ennemis du P.O.N.C. dès avant la guerre.

Mr. Arcand could have fled, but he did not, because he had strictly nothing for which to reproach himself, as likewise his political adjuncts and his followers.  Citing baseless rumors, they arrested him, rumors skilfully spread by the enemies of the N.U.P.C. since before the war.


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

Voici un exemple, concernant le chef des légions du P.U.N.C. :

Here’s one example, concerning the leader of the legions of the N.U.P.C. :

“Un hebdomadaire torontois, du nom de Hush, petite feuille à scandales, écrit un jour que le major Scott est un espion au service de l’Allemagne.  M. Scott réplique par une action en dommages et il a gain de cause, la Cour condamnant Hush à lui verser $2,000.  Cela n’empêchera pas le major Scott d’être interné, tout comme M. Arcand.”  (J. Bourdon, Montréal-Matin, son histoire, ses histoires, p. 92)

“A Toronto weekly, by the name of Hush, a little scandal sheet, wrote one day that Major Scott is a spy in the service of Germany.  Mr. Scott replied with an action in damages and he won, the Court sentencing Hush to pay him $2,000.  This did not prevent Major Scott from being interned, just like Mr. Arcand.”  (Translation:) (J. Bourdon, Montreal-Morning, its history, its stories, p. 92)

Adrien Arcand et Maurice Scott furent cueillis le même jour, le 30 mai 1940, alors que le premier séjournait à 60 milles de Montréal, dans les Laurentides, et le deuxième dans la ville même.  Encore une fois, les inculpés s’attendaient à avoir des ennuis, puisque le 23 précédent, les polices fédérale, provinciale et municipale avaient procédé à une série de perquisitions ; incidemment, c’est ce même jour que Sir Oswald Mosley, chef des fascistes anglais, était arrêté en Grande-Bretagne.

Adrien Arcand and Maurice Scott were picked up the same day, May 30th, 1940, when the former was visiting in the Laurentians 60 miles from Montreal, and the latter was in the city.  Once again, the accused expected to have trouble, since on the preceding 23rd, federal, provincial and municipal police had carried out a series of searches; incidentally, on this same day, Sir Oswald Mosley, leader of the English fascists, was arrested in Great Britain.

Pendant une enquête préliminaire sans queue ni têtee qui fut ajournée sine die (ce qui équivaut à un acquittement), l’interdiction du P.U.N.C. fut décrétée par un arrêté en conseil, le 4 juin.  à la suite de quoi, par effet rétroactif et sans procès, les dirigeants du P.U.N.C. furent expédiés au camp de concentration de Petawawa.

During a preliminary inquiry without tail or head which was adjourned sine die (the equivalent of an acquittal), the N.U.P.C. was decreed illegal by Order in council on the 4th of June.  After which, with retroactive effect and without trial, the leaders of the N.U.P.C. were sent away to the Petawawa concentration camp.

Adrien Arcand subit l’épreuve stoïquement ; il sera privé do sa liberté pendant cinq ans et cinq semaines :  le plus long internement de cette sorte dans tout l’Empire britannique.

Adrien Arcand stoically endured the test ; he would be deprived of his liberty for five years and five weeks:  the longest internment of its kind in the whole British Empire.

Les camps de concentration canadiens n’ont jamais eu, heureusement, la rigueur du système d’extermination communiste de Sibérie, qui a causé la mort de plus de 60 millions de personnes depuis le triomphe du marxisme en Russie, en 1917.  Néanmoins, Petawawa et Frédéricton ne furent pas des lieux de villégiature pour les militants du P.U.N.C.

The Canadian concentration camps, happily, have never had the rigor of the Communist system of extermination in Siberia, which caused the death of more than 60 million persons since the triumph of Marxism in Russia, in 1917.  Nonetheless, Petawawa and Fredericton were no vacation stays for the militants of the N.U.P.C. —


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

les Germano-Canadiens, les Italo-Canadiens et les autres détenus qui s’y retrouvèrent.  Ils furent entassés dans des baraques, jusqu’à 85 prisonniers logeant dans des bâtiments d’une capacité de 48.  Il n’y avait aucune installation sanitaire, seulement deux grandes chaudières près des lits de camp.  Les baraques étaient construites d’un rang de planches clouées sur des poteaux.  Elles étaient mal chauffées :  par trois poêles qui rôtissaient les occupants les plus proches.  Les fenêtres étaient grillagées.  Après l’appel matinal, les détenus allaient aux travaux forcés, et s’ils refusaient, ils étaient relégués au cachot.  Dans le dos de chacun, il y avait un disque rouge.  Les installations avaient visiblement été improvisées, ce qui rendait la peine d’incarcération doublement insupportable.  La Croix-Rouge canadienne n’intervint jamais en faveur des Canadiens détenus dans ces camps, considérés qu’ils étaient comme des apatrides ; quand ces derniers voulurent donner leur sang, on osa même le refuser !  Seuls les Allemande partageaient leurs propres colis avec eux.

the Germano-Canadians, the Italo-Canadiens and the other detainees who found themselves there.  They were tossed into barracks, up to 85 prisoners lodging in buildings with a capacity of 48.  There were no sanitary installations, only two big cauldrons near the camp beds.  The barracks were constructed from a row of floors nailed to posts.  They were poorly heated:  by three stoves which roasted the occupants nearest.  After the morning wake-up, the detainees went to forced labor, and if they refused, they were locked in cells.  On the back of each (detainee), there was a red disc.  The installations visibly had been improvised, which made the pain of incarceration doubly intolerable.  The Canadian Red Cross never intervened in favor of the Canadian detainees in these camps, deeming them stateless.  When they wished to donate their blood, they were boldly refused!  Only the Germans shared their own packages with them.

Les détenus furent en butte à de nombreuses tracasseries, surtout pendant la période où Ernest Lapointe fut ministre de la Justice.  Les gardes taillaient en pièce les colis qu’ils pouvaient recevoir, supposant des activités d’espionnage carrément impossibles.  Un examen médical avait lieu tous les mois, et on devait s’y présenter flambant nu, comme si les hommes avaient été du bétail.  Au cours des 18 premiers mois de son internement, M. Arcand ne put recevoir la visite de son épouse ; quand cela devint possible, la conversation, sous la supervision d’un garde, se déroulait obligatoirement en anglais.  Les détenus qui ne parlaient pas l’anglais (ou leurs visiteurs) devaient demeurer silencieux.  Au même moment, la propagande de guerre criait aux Canadiens français qu’ils se battaient pour la liberté de parler leur langue, de

The detainees were the targets of endless harassment, above all when Ernest Lapointe was justice minister.  The guards carved to pieces those packages the prisoners were able to receive, supposing espionage activities that were utterly impossible.  A medical examination took place every month, and they had to present themselves butt naked as if men were cattle.  During the first eighteen months of his internment, Mr. Arcand was not allowed to see his wife; when this became possible, the conversation, under supervision of a guard, mandatorily transpired in English.  Detainees who did not speak English (or their visitors) had to stay silent.  At the same moment, war propaganda screamed to the French Canadians that they were fighting for the liberty to speak their language, to


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

professer leur religion, etc.  Les imprimés distri­bués par le gouvernement canadien étaient principa­lement des revues américaines plus ou moins obscè­nes, tandis que “le gouvernement allemand faisait parvenir à ses détenus des livres de prières, lu­thériens ou catholiques, selon la religion du déte­nu.  Les livres étaient en beau papier et abondam­ment illustrés.”  (“Adrien Arcand n’a pas abandonné ses combats”, Almanach-Éclair 1956-57, p. 166)

profess their religion, etc.  The printed matter distributed by the Canadian government was primarily more or less obscene American magazines, whereas “the German government sent to its detainees prayer books, Lutheran or Catholic, according to the religion of the prisoner.  The books were of fine paper and profusely illustrated.”  (Translation:) (“Adrien Arcand has not abandoned his battles”, Almanach-Éclair 1956-57, p. 166)

Malgré l’injustice terrible dont il était victime avec ses camarades du parti, M. Arcand eut toujours une conduite exemplaire pendant son long internement.  Il s’efforçait de consoler les âmes désespérées, les innocents frappés par les erreurs judiciaires, les pères de famille nombreuse dont les épouses, considérées comme des “intouchables”, souffraient cruellement de l’absence de leurs maris.  Les inépuisables ressources spirituelles et morales de M. Arcand ont rescapé bien des prisonniers d’impasses suicidaires.  Il est même parvenu à convertir un pasteur protestant au catholicisme.  Il collabora avec les autorités pénitentiaires pour hâter la libération de plusieurs détenus.

In spite of the terrible injustice of which he and his party comrades were victims, Mr. Arcand’s conduct was always exemplary throughout his long internment.  He strove to comfort desperate souls, innocents felled by judicial errors, the fathers of large families whose wives, considered as “untouchables”, cruelly suffered the absence of their husbands.  The inexhaustible spiritual and moral resources of Mr. Arcand saved many a prisoner from a suicidal cul de sac.  He even managed to convert a Protestant pastor to Catholicism.  He collaborated with the penitentiary authorities to speed up the release of a number of detainees.

A sa sortie du camp de Frédéricton, M. Arcand établit sa résidence à Saint-Joseph-de-Lanoraie, village qui longe le Chemin du Roy à 40 milles au nord de Montréal.  Pour laver sa réputation de tout soupçon, M. Arcand voulut passer le test d’un procès, celui-là même qu’on avait promis de lui faire sans jamais l’intenter.  Sa requête fut rejeté.  Mais l’avocat de M. Arcand, Me Sa11uste Lavery, travailla encore le dossier; une poursuite de $3,500,000 fut dirigée contre le gouvernement fédéral, laquelle fut balayée du revers de la main, car “Sa Majesté ne peut se tromper”.

On leaving the camp at Fredericton, Mr. Arcand established his residence at Saint-Joseph-de-Lanoraie, a village skirting the Chemin du Roy 40 miles North of Montreal.  To clear his reputation of all suspicion, Mr. Arcand wanted to pass the test of a trial, the very one that had been promised to him but never instituted.  His motion was dismissed.  But Mr. Arcand’s lawyer, Maître Saluste Lavery, continued to work the file; a suit for $3,500,000 was directed against the federal government, which was backhandedly brushed off, because “His Majesty can do no wrong”.

Ensuite, M. Arcand reactiva le Parti de l’Unité Nationale du Canada.  Il fut candidat aux élections fédérales de 1949, dans la circonscription de Richelieu-Verchères.  À cette occasion, M. Arcand

Then, Mr. Arcand reactivated the National Unity Party of Canada.  He was a candidate in the federal elections of 1949, in the riding of Richelieu-Verchères.  On this occasion, Mr. Arcand


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

fut banni des ondes de la radio d’Etat, comme il l’explique ici:

was banished from the air on State Radio, as he explains here:

Le demandeur (Adrien Arcand) allègue qu’en 1949, alors qu’il était candidat à l’élection fédé­rale générale, alors que Radio-Canada accordait gratuitement du temps à la radio de ses ondes à tous les candidats, même communistes, il fut refu­sé au demandeur non seulement du temps gratuit mais il lui fut refusé d’acheter moins d’une heu­re, distribuée en plusieurs émissions, pour la dif­fusion de son programme patriotique et chrétien, même au double du prix ordinaire, l’officiel de Ra­dio-Canada répondant que le nom du défendeur était le premier sur une liste noire de personnages in­terdits sur les ondes de Radio-Canada.”  (Manuscrit de M. Arcand, 1963)

“The applicant (Adrien Arcand) alleges that in 1949, when he was a candidate in the general federal elections, at which time Radio-Canada gave free radio air time to all the candidates, even Communists, the applicant was not only denied free time but he was denied the right to buy less than an hour, distributed over several broadcasts, to transmit his patriotic and Christian program, even at double the ordinary price, the Radio-Canada official replying that the applicant’s name was the first on a blacklist of personalities forbidden on the air of Radio-Canada.”   (Handwriting of Mr. Arcand, 1963)

M. Arcand fit une deuxième tentative pour entrer à la Chambre des Communes, en 1953, se présentant dans Berthier-Maskinongé-DeLanaudière.  La campagne du P.U.N.C. fut magnifique, inoubliable.  Cependant l’ennemi inonda la circonscription d’alcool, fourni par une distillerie sous contrôle sioniste, et M. Arcand dut s’avouer vaincu par une marge de 3000 voix.

Mr. Arcand tried a second time to enter the House of Commons, in 1953, running in Berthier-Maskinongé-DeLanaudière.  The N.U.P.C. campaign was magnificent, unforgettable.  However, the enemy inundated the riding with alcohol, provided by a distillery under Zionist control, and Mr. Arcand had to concede defeat by a margin of 3,000 votes.

Nullement décourage, M. Arcand se mit a publier un journal mensuel, L’Unité Nationale, à compter de décembre 1953.

In no way discouraged, Mr. Arcand set out to publish a monthly paper, L’Unité Nationale, as of December 1953.

H. Arcand continua simultanément ses multiples activités d’auteur, de journaliste, de chef politique et d’expert sur les problèmes mondiaux consulté de partout.  Mais sa santé avait été définitivement minée par son séjour en camp de concentration.  Il devint très malade et passa les derniers mois de sa vie retenu sur un lit d’hôpital.  Voici ses dernières paroles, recueillies à son chevet par notre chef actuel, M. Gérard Lanctôt :

Mr. Arcand simultaneously continued his many activities as an author, journalist, a political leader and expert on world problems consulted from all parts.  But his health had been permanently undermined by his stay in the concentration camp.  He became very sick and spent the last months of his life confined to a hospital bed.  Here are his last words, recorded at his bedside by our current leader, M. Gérard Lanctôt:

Soie fidèle à Dieu, soie fidèle à la Patrie, fidèle à la Famille … Ne te préoccupe pas de ce qui te tombera des-

Be true to God, be true to Country, true to Family … Don’t be concerned with what befalls you …


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

Ne crains rien … Tu te sentiras parfois sur une mer houleuse … Tu te croiras précipité dans des précipices sans fond … Tu te sentiras peut-être seul … Ne lâche pas !

Fear nothing … You will sometimes feel you are on a stormy sea … You will think you have been thrown off a bottomless precipice … You may feel you are alone … Don’t give up!

Défends la Vérité, proclame-la, crie-la bien

Defend the Truth, proclaim it, shout it loud!

Dieu nous a donné le plus grand des biens, la vie … et il faut donner sa vie pour conserver sa
foi …

God has given us the greatest of possessions, life … and it is necessary to give one’s life in order to keep one’s faith …

Demande à Dieu de t’inspirer …

Ask God to inspire you …

La bataille est si belle … La Cause est si grande …

The battle is so beautiful … The Cause is so great …

Persévérez … Ne lâchez pas!!!”

Persevere … Do not give up!!!”

Adrien Arcand rendit son dernier souffle le premier août 1967.

Adrien Arcand rendered up his last breath on August 1st, 1967.

Réfléchissant sur la perte de ce grand Canadien, M. Lanctôt écrivit, dans la revue du parti :

Reflecting on the loss of this great Canadian, Mr. Lantôt wrote, in the Party review:

“Les journaux à sensation, pour vendre leur papier plus facilement, ont annoncé qu’il était mort oublié et qu’il haïssait les Juifs.  Ça donne du prestige d’abonder dans le sens du vent, et ça rapporte de la monnaie de répandre des faussetés.  Que M. Arcand les plaint ces gens-là, car ils ne savent pas ce qu’ils font.  Ceux qui sont conscients de leurs actes, il leur pardonne comme il l’a toujours fait à ceux qui lui causaient du mal.”

“The tabloids, to sell their papers more easily, have announced that he died forgotten and that he hated Jews.  Prestige is acquired by blowing in the same direction as the wind, and spreading lies makes money.  Mr. Arcand pitied these people, for they know not what they do.  Those who are conscious of their actions, he forgives them as he has always done to those who caused him harm.”

C’est faux qu’il est oublié.  Des milliers de Canadiens qui ont suivi ses enseignements ne l’ou­blieront jamais.  Ceux qui ont été ses compagnons d’infortune dans les prisons, les camps de concen­tration, dans sa lutte toute entière, ne l’oublient pas.  Ceux à qui il a rendu service par ses con­seils et qui font mine de l’oublier, par peur des Juifs, n’auront jamais la conscience tranquille, car son souvenir de bonté, de charité, de grandeur d’âme, de miséricorde, de mansuétude, d’amour du prochain, des services rendus, les hantera jusqu’à leur fin dernière.”(Serviam, 7-8/1967, p. 1)

It is untrue that he is forgotten.  Thousands of Canadians who have followed his teachings will never forget him.  Those who have been his companions in misfortune in the prisons, the concentration camps, throughout his whole battle, will never forget him.  Those to whom he has rendered service by his counsel and who pretend to forget him, out of fear of the Jews, will never have a clear conscience, for the memory of his kindness, his charity, his greatness of soul, his mercy, his gentleness, his love of his neighbor, his services rendered, will haunt them to the end.”  (Serviam, 7-8/1967, p. 1)

Si on a affabulé tant et tant sur les idées et

If they interminably fabricated concerning


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

les activités politiques de M. Arcand, on ne s’est pas gêné non plus pour divulguer sur sa vie personnelle et lui inventer des traits de caractère, toujours afin de le diffamer.  Ainsi, un des protagonistes de 1’histoire “gauchisante” qu’on impose partout, le professeur René Durocher, a déjà prétendu à la radio qu’Adrien Arcand était un fourbe, un intrigant, qui savait se faufiler, qui savait manipuler, qui savait s’imposer.  Pour M. Durocher, Adrien Arcand était un véritable oiseau de proie s’abattant sur les gens, qui ne savaient pas toujours à quel point c’était un personnage compromettant ou dangereux …

the political ideas and activities of Mr. Arcand, nor did they hesitate to divulge his personal life and to invent character traits, always to defame him.  Thus, one of the champions of the “leftist” history that is dictated everywhere, Professor René Durocher, has already claimed on the radio that Adrian Arcand was a deceiver, an intriguer, who knew how to sneak, manipulate, impose.  For Mr. Durocher, Adrien Arcand was an out-and-out bird of prey swooping down on people who did not always know how compromising or dangerous he was …

Quel contraste entre ces interprétations calomnieuses et le souvenir laissé par M. Arcand chez ceux qui l’ont réellement côtoyé autrefois !  Lisons cette appréciation de M. Joseph Bourdon, son compagnon de travail :

What a contrast between the defamatory interpretations and the memory left by Mr. Arcand with those who really knew him!  Read this appreciation of Mr. Joseph Bourdon, his colleague at work:

“Comme journaliste, c’est sûrement l’un des meilleurs de sa génération.  Doué d’une mémoire encyclopédique, il peut écrire durant des heures.  D’ailleurs, il rédige seul tout le contenu d’un journal mensuel, organe du parti de l’Unité nationale.  Je le revois encore, dans son petit bureau, assis devant sa machine à écrire, et buvant régulièrement, chaque après-midi, sa tasse de thé qu’il fait venir du restaurant Gosselin.  S’il est un orateur fougueux dans ses assemblées, jamais il n’élève la voix à L’Illustration Nouvelle.  Quand il donne des directives — et c’est bien peu fréquent — il le fait toujours avec beaucoup de politesse et de délicatesse.  Il aime avoir des visiteurs et il ouvre la porte de son bureau à n’importe qui.  J’ai vu pénétrer des balayeurs de rue, des abbés, des médecins, des journalistes étrangers à qui il accordera tout son temps.  Ayant la responsabilité de l’heure de parution du journal, je m’inquiète parfois, devant ces visites interminables, de l’heure à laquelle il remettra son ou ses articles pour

As a journalist, he surely is one of the best of his generation.  Gifted with an encyclopedic memory, he can write for hours.  He alone writes all the content of a monthly paper, the organ of the National Unity party.  I see him still, in his little office, seated in front of his typewriter, and drinking his regular afternoon tea ordered from the Gosselin restaurant.  If he is a fiery orator in his assemblies, he never raises his voice at L’Illustration Nouvelle.  When he gives directives — which is very rare — he always does it with so much politeness and delicacy.  He loves to have visitors and he opens his office door to anyone.  I have seen street sweepers enter, abbots, doctors, foreign journalists to whom he will grant all his time.  Being responsible for the publication deadline of the paper, I am sometimes anxious, given these interminable visits, about when he will submit his article or articles for


Adrien Arcand devant le Tribunal de L’Histoire : Scandale à la société Radio-Canada

Adrien Arcand before the Court of History:  Scandal at CBC Radio-Canada

la page éditoriale, et même de temps à autre pour la première.  Cependant, infailliblement il remet sa copie à l’heure convenue.”  (J. Bourdon, Montréal-Matin,…, pp. 91-92)

the editorial page, and even from time to time for the front page.  Nonetheless, unfailingly, he handed in his copy at the agreed-upon time.”  (J. Bourdon, Montréal-Matin,…, pp. 91-92)

Interrogé sur sa première rencontre avec M. Arcand, M. Bourdon répondit :  “C’est très vague, c’est très vague … Parce qu’Adrien Arcand, premièrement, était un personnage effacé, c’était un grand modeste.  C’était même un — je vais le dire — un timide, n’est-ce pas ?”  Au sujet des motivations profondes de M. Arcand, M. Bourdon nous déclara:  “Il y avait une certaine mystique dans sa vie, et, selon moi, là, comme je l’ai connu, c’était également un grand chrétien.  Ca peut peut-être paraître étrange de dire ça, on vient de mentionner le mot mystique, mais c’était un grand chrétien. (…).”  (Serviam, 7-8/1982, pp. 3 et 4)

Questioned about his first meeting with Mr. Arcand, Mr. Bourdon replied:  “It’s very vague, it’s very vague … Because Adrien Arcand, first of all, was a self-effacing person, very unassuming.  He was even a — I am going to say it — timid, is that not so?  As to the deep motivations of Mr. Arcand, Mr. Bourdon tells us:  “There was a certain mystique in his life, and, in my view, as I knew him, he was also a great Christian.  It may seem strange to say that, the word mystique has just been used, but he was a great Christian. (…)”  (Serviam, 7-8/1982, pp. 3 and 4)

Cet homme racé, d’une énergie débordante, d’u­ne intelligence rare et d’une culture prodigieuse, a servi son idéal jusqu’au bout, malgré sa santé défaillante durant les dernières années, et en dé­pit de toutes les persécutions et des attentats perpétrés contre sa personne.  Les biens terres­tres ne l’intéressaient pas, et ce détachement su­blime demeure vraiment, selon tous ceux qu’il a si hautement inspirés, la preuve la plus tangible de sa sincérité, en ce monde dépravé par l’amour de l’argent.  Proclamer à la face de l’univers ce re­noncement extraordinaire est bien le plus grand hommage que ses disciples et amis puissent lui rendre.

This thoroughbred of a man, overflowing with energy, of rare intelligence and prodigious culture, served his ideal until the end, despite his failing health in the final years, and in spite of all the persecutions and attacks perpetrated against his person.  Earthly goods were of no interest to him, and therefore sublime detachment really remains the most tangible proof of his sincerity, according to all those whom he greatly inspired in this world depraved by the love of money.  To proclaim in the face of the universe this extraordinary renunciation is really the greatest homage that his disciples and his friends could pay to him.

Chaque fois que nous nous recueillons devant la tombe discrète où ADRIEN ARCAND repose, à Lanoraie, sa mémoire revit en nous, pleine de toute sa dignité, de toute sa vaillance, de toute sa foi.

Whenever we gather before the modest tomb where ADRIEN ARCAND rests, at Lanoraie, his memory lives in us again, filled with all his dignity, all his valour, and all his faith.

– 30 –

* Admin: I am correcting an historical term. I had been translating “drôle de guerre” as “funny war”. The well known correct term in English is actually the “phoney war”. Updated 1 July 2019.

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New eBook: “The Revolt of Materialism” by Adrien Arcand, a public talk from 1966

The Revolt of Materialism
by Adrien Arcand (1966)

Another new eBook from Adrien Arcand Books!  “The Revolt of Materialism” is a talk by Adrien Arcand given in 1966.  It seems to be the sequel to his other known talk that year, “Communism Installed Here”, and if it wasn’t intended, nonetheless it works as a sequel.  I have therefore made a pair of these two talks.

I have also redesigned the covers of “Communism Installed Here” so the two eBooks look like the pair they are.  I have also indicated on the back cover of “The Revolt of Materialism” that it is the sequel to “Communism Installed Here”.

<i>Communism Installed Here</i> by Adrien Arcand (1966)

Communism Installed Here by Adrien Arcand (1966).  ZIP contains: PDF, epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf and Flash Flipbook.

<i>The Revolt of Materialism</i> by Adrien Arcand (1966)

The Revolt of Materialism by Adrien Arcand (1966).  ZIP contains: PDF, epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf and Flash Flipbook.

To give these talks another link back to history, I chose the red and green for the pair of covers from a pixel of the original French pamphlets that were scanned on 16 January 2018 at the Quebec Archives in Montreal.

Download the Free Editions of the redesigned “Communism Installed Here” and “The Revolt of Materialism”, by Adrien Arcand, in English for the first time and both from 1966.  Click on the images above to get your free copies.

Page-numbering for “The Revolt of Materialism” starts on page 3 in the English eBook; and on page 5 in the French original.  I’m using the French pagination for the bilingual presentation below:

Scanning in the Quebec Archives at Montreal (16 January 2018)

On the “far left”, Le Communisme Installé Ici; on the far right:  La Révolte du Matérialisme.  In the middle, Le Christianisme a-t-il fait faillite ? (the English is currently in progress, search this site for preview segments in posts entitled “Is Christianity Bankrupt?”).

Download a scan of the original French document, La Révolte du Materialisme.

Download a scan of the original French document, Le Communisme Installé Ici.

I hope you enjoy these English translations.  Subscribe for the next one.

Thank you for reading.

I’ve been getting a bit ahead of myself with these new eBooks.  One object of the site is to give researchers and readers in general easy access to compare my English translations to the original French.  Therefore, please find below my English translation side by side with an OCR of the original French text of Arcand’s The Revolt of Materialism.  (I will update the other eBook posts later the same way.)  You can further check my English against a download of the scan of the French original (see links above).



For the first time in English


La Révolte du Matérialisme

The Revolt of Materialism

La lutte à finir qui se poursuit de nos jours sur toute l’étendue de la terre, est vraiment la lutte du matérialisme contre tout spiritualisme, la bataille implacable de la matière contre l’esprit.  Le Communisme qui régit tous les territoires dans l’orbite de Moscou, s’affirme ouvertement comme le culte et l’organisation du matérialisme ; il affirme que tout n’est que matière, qu’il n’y a ni au-delà, ni divinité, ni âme humaine.  Donc, pas d’autre nécessité, pas d’autre foi, pas d’autre espoir qu’en la matière.

The fight to the finish going on all over the world today is really the struggle of materialism against all spiritualism, the implacable battle of matter against the spirit.  Communism, which governs all those territories in the orbit of Moscow, is openly affirmed as the cult and agency of materialism; it affirms that all is only matter, that there is neither beyond, nor divinity, nor human soul.  Thus, no other necessity, no other faith, no other hope than in matter.

La plupart des autres pays non-communistes sont régis de façon invisible par la franc-maçonnerie, dont les chefs suprêmes ont exactement les mêmes convictions et visent au même but final, mais par des moyens plus détournés, plus hypocrites, dosant tous leurs mouvements dans une gradation aussi diabolique qu’habile.

Most of the other non-Communist countries are governed in an unseen way by Freemasonry, whose supreme leaders have exactly the same convictions and aim at the same final goal, but through more devious, more hypocritical means, measuring out all their movements in a gradation as devilish as it is skillful.

Ce sont là des vérités sommaires, presque des lieux communs, que n’importe quel chercheur peut trouver en peu de temps. Mais néanmoins,

These are basic, almost commonplace truths that any researcher can quickly discover. But nevertheless,


ce n’est qu’une parcelle de vérité sur la question, un premier aperçu, et ce n’est pas encore suffisant pour comprendre pleinement le péril qui nous menace, pour nous en libérer, pour vaincre finalement l’ennemi.

it is only a particle of truth on the question, a first glimpse, and it is not yet sufficient to fully understand the danger that threatens us, in order to free us from it, to finally defeat the enemy.

Quand on veut se donner la peine assez ardue d’explorer la grande conspiration dans son dernier repaire, on fait des découvertes vraiment étranges et l’on perçoit des choses que tout le dispositif de la conspiration ne permet pas de soupçonner. Je vous ferai grâce d’une infinité de détails là-dessus, et vous résumerai succinctement les faits. Ces faits constituent la Vérité, cette vérité qu’il n’est pas permis de publier, de dire, voire même d’avoir l’audace de tenter de connaître.

When one wants to take the rather arduous trouble to explore the great conspiracy in its final haunts, truly strange discoveries are made and strange things are perceived which the whole contrivance of the conspiracy does not lead one to suspect. I will spare you endless details, and summarize the facts succinctly. These facts are the Truth, truth it is not permitted to publish, to speak, or even to have the audacity to attempt to know.

La Vérité cachée, inconnue même des masses juives, la voici :

The hidden Truth, unknown even to the Jewish masses, is this:

L’or:  Maître du Monde

Gold:  Master of the World

La ploutocratie juive internationale, c’est-à-dire la Haute Banque Mondiale de l’Or, est l’autorité suprême qui conduit la vie financière et économique du monde. C’est de ce groupe que Henry Ford disait, en 1921 :  « Eliminez cinquante juifs influents, et vous n’aurez plus de guerres, de révolutions, d’effondrements économiques, de crises de chômage ni de communisme. »

The international Jewish plutocracy, meaning the High World Bank of Gold, is the supreme authority that drives the world’s financial and economic life.  It was of this group that Henry Ford said in 1921:  “Eliminate fifty influential Jews, and you will have no more wars, revolutions, economic collapses, unemployment crises or communism.”


Cette ploutocratie juive des rois de la finance réside à Wall Street ; elle a autant d’influence sur le Kremlin que sur la Maison Blanche. C’est ce qui explique que, en tout ce qui concerne l’avancement de la conspiration mondiale, Washington et Moscou ont conjugué leur action depuis 1933. Leurs mésententes ou querelles publiques, suscitées par Wall Street pour la galerie et pour dérouter l’opinion mondiale, ne nuisent en rien au progrès du complot.

This Jewish plutocracy of the kings of finance resides on Wall Street. It has as much influence over the Kremlin as over the White House. This explains why, in all that concerns the advancement of the world conspiracy, Washington and Moscow have combined their action since 1933. Their disagreements or public feuds, aroused by Wall Street for the gallery and to baffle world opinion, in no way detract from the progress of the conspiracy.

Leur affaire de Corée, par exemple, n’a servi qu’à instaurer l’armée ou la police mondiale, et à pousser l’Amérique à établir un système de militarisme et de garnison permanent, nécessaire pour étouffer les initiatives et les libertés des nationaux, tout en les dépouillant par les taxes et un coût de la vie toujours plus élevés.

Their Korean affair, for example, only served to lay the foundations of the world army or world police, and to push America to establish a system of militarism and permanent garrison necessary to stifle the initiatives and liberties of the people, while stripping them with taxes and an ever higher cost of living.

Cette ploutocratie juive exerce l’autorité et l’influence suprêmes sur le Communisme, sur la Franc-Maçonnerie et les autres associations et sectes qui en découlent.

This Jewish plutocracy exercises supreme authority and influence over Communism, Freemasonry, and other associations and sects that are offshoots.

Les chefs suprêmes de la grande conspiration matérialiste ne sont pas des matérialistes. Ce sont ce qu’on appelle chez les ignorants de « bons juifs »,

The supreme leaders of the great materialistic conspiracy are not materialists. They are what the ignorant call “good Jews,”


des Juifs de synagogue, qui soutiennent la synagogue, et, au besoin, pour leurs fins, soutiennent des institutions chrétiennes.

synagogue Jews, who support the synagogue, and, if necessary, for their purposes, support Christian institutions.

Les Hommes « Sans Âme »

Men “Without Souls”

Ce qu’on appelle « le bon juif » est plus dangereux que le Juif non-pratiquant.  Car le Juif de synagogue est complètement saturé de Talmudisme et il croit aux enseignements du Talmud, qui a fini par prévaloir sur la Torah ou l’Ancien Testament.

The good Jew” is more dangerous than the non-practicing Jew. For the synagogue Jew is completely saturated with Talmudism and he believes in the teachings of the Talmud, which eventually prevailed over the Torah or the Old Testament.

Le Taîmud, même dans ses éditions modernes, enseigne que le Dieu unipersonnel des Juifs, Jéhovah, ne reconnaît et n’aime qu’un seul peuple, qui est son élu, qui est le peuple saint, parce que seul le Juif a une âme ; que les autres êtres humains, les Gentils ou goyim sont des êtres sans âme, créés uniquement pour être utiles au Juif, pour le servir, pour l’enrichir, pour être conduits et régentés par le Juif.  D’après le Talmud, toutes les religions des goyim sont des idolâtries et doivent être effacées de la terre, pour que seul le Judaïsme, la vraie religion, subsiste universellement.  Lorsque seul le Judaïsme subsistera, les goyim devront en prendre connaissance et reconnaître enfin l’onction, la royauté d’Israël, devant

The Talmud, even in its modern editions, teaches that Jehovah, the unipersonal God of the Jews, recognizes and loves only one people, who are his chosen people, who are the holy people, because only the Jew has a soul. The other human beings, the Gentiles or goyim are soulless beings, created only to be useful to the Jew, to serve him, to enrich him, to be led and ruled by the Jew. According to the Talmud, all the religions of the goyim are idolatries and must be erased from the earth, so that only Judaism, the true religion, subsists universally. When only Judaism subsists, the goyim will have to take cognizance of it and at last recognize the anointing, the kingship of Israel, before


laquelle ils devront docilement s’incliner, en acceptant leur sort définitif de serviteurs du peuple-élu.

which they must obediently bow, accepting their final fate as servants of the chosen people.

On se rappelle encore l’action en libelle intentée contre le journal La Croix, de Québec, par les Juifs.  Devant le tribunal, l’un des rabbins les plus éminents de Montréal rendit témoignage.  Lorsqu’il affirma que le Judaïsme croit à l’enseignement d’« aimer Dieu et son prochain comme soi-même », la question lui fut posée :  « Sous votre serment, est-ce que le non-juif peut être le prochain du juif? » et il répondit catégoriqement :  NON.  La croyance juive est encore la même qu’au temps où le Christ racontait la parabole du bon Samaritain, qui scandalisa si fortement les rabbins de l’époque.

One can still remember the libel action brought by the Jews against the newspaper La Croix, of Quebec.  In court, one of Montreal’s most prominent rabbis testified.  When he said that Judaism believes in the teaching “love God and thy neighbor as thyself,” the question was put to him:  “You are under oath, can the non-Jew be the neighbor of the Jew?”  And he answered categorically:  NO.  Jewish belief is the same today as when Christ told the parable of the good Samaritan, which so scandalized the rabbis of the time.

L’irréligion, l’athéisme, prêchés par le communisme et les autres organisations, ne sont qu’à l’intention des Gentils, afin de les mieux subjuguer.  Si le communisme parvenu au pouvoir frappe avec tant de fureur rageuse les religions et les temples des Gentils, il ne moleste pas la synagogue.  Bien au contraire.  Un bulletin de l’Intourist soviétique publié entre les deux guerres, nous donnait la photographie de la cathédrale Saint-Isaac, la plus grande de Leningrad, transformée en musée antireligieux.  Depuis cette

The irreligion, the atheism, preached by communism and other organizations, are only intended for the Gentiles, to better subjugate them. If communism came to power with such violent fury against the religions and temples of the Gentiles, it does not molest the synagogue. On the contrary. A bulletin of Soviet Intourist published between the two wars featured a photograph of St. Isaac’s Cathedral, the largest in Leningrad, turned into an anti-religious museum.  Since then,


époque, on a bâti à Leningrad une synagogue nouvelle, aussi grande et imposante que n’importe quelle basilique majeure de Rome.  La dernière édition de l’Encyclopédie Juive en donne la photographie, au mot Leningrad, et ajoute que le gouvernement soviétique a fourni une partie des fonds pour ériger cette énorme construction.  Ainsi, pendant que le gouvernement juif de Moscou transformait les temples chrétiens en salles de danse, musées antireligieux, maisons de prostitution, clubs, écuries ou casernes, il bâtissait la reine des synagogues avec les trésors arrachés aux églises des Gentils.

a new synagogue, as large and imposing as any major Roman basilica, has been built in Leningrad. The latest edition of the Jewish Encyclopedia has a photograph, the word Leningrad, and adds that the Soviet government provided some of the funds to erect this huge construction. Thus, while the Jewish government of Moscow transformed Christian temples into dance halls, anti-religious museums, houses of prostitution, clubs, stables or barracks, it built the queen of synagogues with treasures torn from the Gentile churches.

La Domination du Monde

Domination of the World

En somme, la lutte du matérialisme, quand on comprend bien le fond de la question, est la lutte du spiritualisme judaïque contre tous les autres spiritualismes, particulièrement le spiritualisme chrétien.  C’est le cadavre de l’Ancien Testament qui veut ressusciter et s’imposer sur les ruines du Nouveau Testament.  Si, pour nous, goyim, ce doit être une affaire d’irréligion et d’athéisme, pour les Juifs c’est une affaire essentiellement religieuse, une poussée générale de tous leurs organismes vers un messianisme terrestre, vers la domination du monde par les Juifs, la domination du Judaïsme

In short, the struggle of materialism, when the substance of the question is understood, is the struggle of Judaic spiritualism against all the other spiritualisms, above all, Christian spiritualism. It is the cadaver of the Old Testament that wants to resurrect and impose itself on the ruins of the New Testament. If, for us goyim, it must be a matter of irreligion and atheism, for the Jews it is an essentially religious affair, a general thrust of all their organizations toward an earthly messianism, toward domination of the world by the Jews, the dominance of Judaism


sur la pensée humaine.  Voilà la vérité, l’unique Vérité, sur la conspiration communiste, la Vérité qu’il faut taire, et je sais ce qu’il en coûte pour avoir le courage de la dire.

Judaism over human thought. That is the truth, the only Truth, about the communist conspiracy, the Truth that must be silenced, and I know what it costs to have the courage to say it.

Si le Talmud disait la Vérité, s’il était vrai que nous n’avons pas d’âme, que nous ne sommes que du bétail, alors j’admettrais le premier que le plan juif est justifié, qu’Israël a raison et a droit d’agir comme il le fait, que son complot suprêmement logique avec ses prémisses a raison d’être et s’impose.

If the Talmud spoke the Truth, if it was true that we have no soul, that we are only cattle, then I would be the first to admit that the Jewish plan is justified, that Israel is right and has the right to act as it does, that its conspiracy, supremely logical with its assumptions, is right and necessary.

Mais, malgré les prétentions d’Israël, nous avons une âme, nous avons un spiritualisme, et c’est ce qui fera la perte du Juif si convaincu du contraire, c’est ce qui fera avorter son complot et réduira à néant toute sa puissance et tous ses efforts.  Et puisque nous avons une âme, il y a nécessairement un monde et une vie spirituels, il y a fatalement un Esprit suprême qui a fait cette âme, il y a un Dieu, une Révélation et tout ce qui s’ensuit.

But, in spite of Israel’s claims, we do have a soul, we have a spirituality, and it is this that will be to the Jew’s detriment, who is so convinced of the contrary. This is what will abort his plot and reduce to nothing all his power and all his efforts. And since we do have a soul, there necessarily is a spiritual world and a spiritual life, there is inevitably a supreme Spirit who made this soul, there is a God, a Revelation and all that follows.

La Quantité Et La Qualité

Quantity and Quality

Trop souvent on confond le spirituel avec le surnaturel, parce que le surnaturel est d’essence purement spirituelle.  Mais ce qu’on convient

Too often we confuse the spiritual with the supernatural, because the supernatural is of purely spiritual essence. But what is appropriately


d’appeler la Loi Naturelle englobe à la fois le spirituel et le matériel.  On est presque toujours porté à ne concevoir la Loi Naturelle que comme la loi régissant les choses sensibles de notre planète et du monde visible.  C’est une erreur.  De vraies distinctions fondamentales, il n’y en a qu’entre l’Incréé et le créé, entre l’Infini et le fini, entre le Divin et le non-divin, entre le Créateur et la créature.  Il est de la nature des Anges d’être de purs esprits, et il y a conséquemment une Loi Naturelle qui les régit ; il est de la nature des hommes d’être temporairement des esprits et des animaux, et ils tombent sous le coup de la Loi Naturelle, tant pour leur esprit que pour leur corps. La Loi Naturelle, dont malheureusement on ne cite trop souvent que quelques aspects, est la loi générale régissant tout le domaine du créé, soit spirituel, soit matériel. C’est la loi qui régit la nature de tout et de tous.

called Natural Law includes both the spiritual and the material. We are almost always inclined to conceive of Natural Law only as the law governing the sensible world and the visible world. This is an error. Real fundamental distinctions exist, not only those between the Uncreated and the created, between the Infinite and the finite, between the Divine and the non-divine, between the Creator and the creature. It is in the nature of the angels to be pure spirits, and there is consequently a Natural Law that governs them; it is in the nature of men to be temporarily spirit and animal, and they fall within the scope of Natural Law, as much for their spirit as for their body. Natural Law, of which, unfortunately too often, only a few aspects are cited, is the general law governing the entire domain of the created, whether spiritual or material. It is the law that governs the nature of everything and everyone.

Et cette loi, d’après les traces qu’elle nous fait voir, comporte un équilibre, une équivalence que rien ne peut rompre, entre le spirituel et le matériel, dans le domaine humain.

And this law, from the traces that it shows to us, has a balance, an equilibrium, an equivalence between the spiritual and the material in the human domain that nothing can break.

Cette loi nous indique clairement que le matériel ne peut s’évaluer que par la quantité, que le spirituel ne peut s’évaluer que par la qualité.  Ainsi, un homme est d’autant plus riche que la

This law clearly says to us that the material can be evaluated only by quantity, that the spiritual can be evaluated only by quality. Thus a man is so much richer than the


quantité de ses richesses est grande ; il est d’autant plus juste que la qualité de sa justice est affinée, intense.  Et, comme il est vrai que l’esprit domine la matière, il est pareillement vrai que l’intensité du spiritualisme l’emportera toujours sur la quantité du matérialisme.

quantity of his wealth is great; he is all the more just as the quality of his justice is refined and intense. And, as it is true that spirit dominates matter, it is equally true that the intensity of spiritualism will always prevail over the quantity of materialism.

Pour sauver Sodome et Gomorrhe, plongées dans les tréfonds du matérialisme, Dieu demanda de trouver seulement cent, cinquante, vingt, dix justes, c’est-à-dire seulement dix hommes d’un spiritualisme suffisant pour compenser le matérialisme de plusieurs centaines de milliers d’hommes. On a vu des êtres humains d’un spiritualisme tellement intense, tels François d’Assise, Thérèse d’Avila, que la qualité de leur spiritualisme suffisait à sauver et régénérer des peuples entiers menacés de couler à pic dans le matérialisme.

To save Sodom and Gomorrah, plunged in the depths of materialism, God asked that only a hundred, or fifty, twenty or ten righteous men be found, just ten men of a spiritualism sufficient to compensate for the materialism of several hundred thousands of men. We have seen human beings of so intense a spiritualism, like Francis of Assisi, Teresa of Avila, that its quality sufficed to save and regenerate entire peoples threatened with a precipitous downfall into materialism.

Toute action, tout mouvement physique met en opération des forces qui agissent dans le monde physique et qui souvent, par leur suggestion ou autrement, influent sur l’esprit. De meme, toute action ou mouvement de l’esprit met en operation des forces qui peuvent agir dans le monde physique.

All action, all physical movement puts in action forces which act in the physical world and often, through suggestion or otherwise, influence the spirit. In the same way, all action or movement of the spirit puts in action forces that may act in the physical world.


Quand L’Équilibre Est Rompu

When the Balance is Broke

Il y a, chez l’être humain, une espèce d’équilibre dans l’action et l’interaction du spirituel et du matériel ; lorsque cet équilibre est rompu, l’être en souffre dans l’une ou l’autre de ses parties composantes.  Puisque l’esprit est d’essence supérieure à la matière, il garde toujours l’autorité prédominante, de même que l’influence supérieure. Lorsque le physique, par ses exigences et son action, réussit à prendre l’ascendant sur l’esprit, celui-ci, sans rien perdre de ses possibilités de primauté, devient comme paralysé, asphyxié par la rupture de l’équilibre.  Il faudra, à l’être ainsi déséquilibré, un effort de volonté, un effort de l’esprit, héroïque, presque surhumain, pour que son côté spirituel reprenne l’ascendant sur son côté matériel. Généralement, l’affliction et la douleur sont les agents principaux qui peuvent susciter cet effort.

In the human being, there is a kind of equilibrium in the action and interaction of the spiritual and the material. When this balance is broken, the being suffers in one or the other of its component parts. Since the spirit is superior to matter, it always retains the predominant authority, as well as the superior influence. When the physical, by its demands and its action, succeeds in gaining ascendancy over the spirit, the latter, losing none of its potential for primacy, becomes as though paralyzed, suffocated by the breach of equilibrium. For a being so unbalanced, an act of will, an heroic, practically superhuman effort of the spirit will be required for the spiritual side to regain the ascendancy over the material side. Generally, affliction and pain are the main agents that can trigger this effort.

Il en est de même pour un peuple, pour la société en général, pour l’humanité, tout comme pour l’individu. La seule arme qui peut vaincre le matérialisme, c’est le spiritualisme. Et quand je vous dis cela, c’est uniquement en considérant la nature même de l’homme, sa composition, bien indépendamment de toute notion ou tout ensei-

It is the same with a people, for society in general, for humanity, as it is for the individual. The only weapon that can defeat materialism is spiritualism. And when I say this, it is only in considering the very nature of man, his composition, quite independently of any religious notion or teach


gnement religieux. Car l’existence de l’esprit est, avant tout, une question de fait. Il existe ou n’existe pas.

ing. For the existence of the spirit is, above all, a question of fact. It either exists or it doesn’t.

Quand le Communisme heurte de front le sens familial, le sens national, le droit de propriété, il attaque la Loi Naturelle dans quelques-unes de ses manifestations ou exigences les plus évidentes. Mais il violente encore plus la Loi Naturelle quand il cherche à éteindre le spiritualisme en l’homme, dont la nature est d’être à la fois esprit impérissable et corps physique périssable.

When Communism strikes family spirit, national spirit, the right to property, head-on, it attacks Natural Law in some of its most obvious manifestations or requirements. But it violates Natural Law even more when it tries to extinguish the spiritual in man, whose nature is to be both imperishable spirit and perishable physical body.

Si, comme le croit le Juif Talmudiste, le goy ou Gentil n’avait pas d’âme, rien ne pourrait arrêter la marche triomphale du Communisme, rien ne pourrait empêcher la victoire complète et définitive du plan des arrière-loges. Mais leur erreur capitale, c’est de nier que les Gentils ont une âme, qu’ils ont une vie spirituelle, et surtout une pathologie spirituelle qui constitue la plus grande puissance qu’il y ait en ce monde.

If, as the Talmudic Jew believes, the goy or Gentile had no soul, nothing could stop the triumphal march of Communism, nothing could prevent the complete and final victory of the behind-the-scenes plan of the lodges. But their decisive error is to deny that the Gentiles have a soul, that they have a spiritual life, and above all a spiritual pathology which constitutes the greatest power that exists in this world.

Tout assaut du matérialisme contre le spiritualisme met automatiquement en mouvement, par réaction inévitable, une activité spirituelle. Et cette activité est d’autant plus efficace, puissante, que sa qualité est intense.

Every onslaught of materialism against spiritualism automatically sets in motion a spiritual activity by inevitable reaction. And this activity is all the more effective, powerful, the more its quality is intense.


L’Église Catholique comprend évidemment le jeu de cette équivalence et de ces forces, lorsqu’elle les met en action par la prière, la pénitence, la volonté de sacrifice, l’acceptation de l’épreuve, qui sont de puissants mouvements de l’esprit. Ce n’est pas mon rôle de commenter les énormes forces supplémentaires qu’elle y ajoute par l’intervention du surnaturel par la grâce. C’est un tout autre domaine.

The Catholic Church obviously understands the play of this equivalence and of these forces when it puts them into action through prayer, penance, the will to sacrifice, the acceptance of trial, which are powerful spiritual mobilizations. It is not my role to comment on the enormous additional forces that she adds by the intervention of the supernatural through grace. This is a whole other area.

Besoin Impérieux Et Constant

Imperative and Constant Need

Le Communisme croit peut-être avoir fait d’immenses progrès quand il a conquis, par exemple, les vastes populations et ressources de la Chine, augmentant ainsi son avoir matériel.  Mais, il a fait des pertes correspondantes en suscitant, par la douleur que des millions de Chinois et le reste du monde en ont ressenti, un avivement du spiritualisme ; et si ce spiritualisme est d’une intensité plus grande qu’il ne faut, pour compenser la quantité de l’avance matérialiste, il s’ensuit que le matérialisme est le perdant ; la claire vision de sa défaite n’est qu’une question de temps.

Communism may believe that it made immense progress when it conquered, for example, the vast populations and resources of China, thereby increasing its material assets. But it took corresponding losses by arousing, through the pain felt by millions of Chinese and by the rest of the world, an intensification of spiritualism; and if this spiritualism is of a greater intensity than necessary to compensate for the quantity of the materialistic advance, it follows that materialism is the loser; the clear vision of its defeat is only a matter of time.

Le jeu de la loi est le même pour toutes les conquêtes apparentes du Communisme, en Europe, en Asie, ou ailleurs. De par la Loi Naturelle, jamais la matière ne pourra vaincre l’esprit, sur

The play of the law is the same for all the apparent conquests of Communism in Europe, in Asia, or elsewhere. Because of Natural Law, never will matter be able to conquer the spirit on


cette terre, à moins que l’homme ne renonce délibérément à son propre esprit.

this earth unless man deliberately renounces his own spirit.

De tout temps et sous tous les climats, le besoin du spiritualisme a été aussi impérieux, chez l’homme, que ses besoins matériels et il s’est manifesté en conséquence ; ce besoin et ces manifestations se sont révélés avec une constance et une permanence telles, que nier l’existence de l’esprit chez l’homme ne saurait être que le fait d’une déficience mentale, ou l’aberration d’un aveuglement, comme seul le Talmud peut en produire.

At all times and in all climates, the need for spirituality has been as imperative for man as his material needs, and it has manifested itself accordingly. This need and these manifestations have revealed themselves with such constancy and permanence that to deny the existence of the spirit in man could only be the effect of a mental deficiency, or the aberration of a blindness that only the Talmud can produce.

L’Assaut Le Plus Orgueilleux

The Most Prideful Assault

La lutte affreuse poursuivie contre l’esprit, contre la nature même de l’homme, constitue l’assaut le plus orgueilleux qui se soit encore vu, contre la Loi Naturelle.  Celle-ci, qui n’est en somme que l’expression de la volonté du Créateur, n’a jamais été vaincue par qui que ce soit, sauf par Jésus-Christ, qui s’est ressuscité Lui-même.  Plus on la viole, plus elle se venge cruellement.  Plus fortement et plus longuement on comprime l’action de la Loi Naturelle, plus violemment elle explose à la face même de celui ou ceux qui la défient.  Par le spectacle que le monde nous offre

The awful struggle against the spirit, against the very nature of man, is the most prideful assault yet seen against Natural Law. The latter, which in sum is but the expression of the Creator‘s Will, has never been overmastered by anyone, except by Jesus Christ, who resurrected Himself. The more we violate her, the more cruelly she avenges herself. The more powerfully and the longer the action of Natural Law is compressed, the more violently it explodes in the face of whoever defies it. Through the spectacle that the world has offered


depuis quelques années, la saine raison permet de croire que le point de saturation qu’il n’est pas permis de dépasser sera bientôt atteint, s’il ne l’est pas déjà ; que la réaction du spiritualisme atteint chaque jour un degré d’intensité plus vive, et que cette réponse de l’esprit dépasse de beaucoup par sa qualité la somme du matérialisme lancé dans la lutte.

to us in recent years, sound reason allows it to be believed that the saturation point past which it is not permitted to go will soon be reached, if it has not been by now; that the reaction of spirituality is climbing in intensity day by day; and that this response of the spirit far exceeds in its quality the sum of the materialism thrown into the struggle.

Quand elle se venge, ce ne sont pas des idées que frappe la Loi Naturelle ; ce sont les êtres réels qui tombent sous sa régie :  hommes ou choses.  Devant elle, argent, organisation, propagande, complots, ne sont absolument rien. Bientôt nous verrons sa réaction faire crouler, comme un château de cartes, l’ensemble de ces organismes et ces internationales qui se croient gigantesques et tout-puissants.

When she avenges herself, Natural Law does not strike at ideas; it is real beings who fall beneath her sway, whether men or things. Before her, money, organization, propaganda, conspiracies, are absolutely nothing. We will soon see her reaction bring down, like a house of cards, all these organizations and internationals which think themselves gigantic and all-powerful.

La Réaction Sera Mondiale

The Reaction Will Be Worldwide

Jamais, dans notre mouvement, nous n’avons cru à la haine, à la vengeance, à la violence ou la brutalité, bien que nous en ayons été plusieurs fois victimes.  C’est immensément pénible de voir des êtres humains, quels qu’ils soient, souffrir et gémir, même quand c’est du résultat de leur propre conduite.  Mais, que pouvons-nous faire, quand

Never, in our movement, have we believed in hate, in vengeance, violence or brutality, although we have been victims of it a number of times. It is immensely painful to see human beings, whoever they are, suffer and groan, even as the result of their own conduct. But what can we do when


la Nature elle-même déchaîne l’inflexible et inexorable justice du jeu de ses lois ?

Nature herself unleashes the inflexible and inexorable justice of the play of her own laws?

Ceux qui ont organisé et propagé la Révolution Mondiale vont l’avoir, leur révolution ; mais, dans sa dernière phase, elle se retournera contre ses auteurs.

Those who organized and propagated the World Revolution will have their revolution; but, in its final phase, it will turn against its authors.

Si le semeur de vent récolte la tempête, ceux qui ont semé le désordre et la révolte récolteront l’anarchie et une ruée aveugle contre eux-mêmes.

If the sower of the wind harvests the tempest, those who have sown disorder and revolt will harvest anarchy and a blind upsurge against themselves.

Ce n’est pas impunément qu’on accable l’humanité entière de guerres, de révolutions, d’orgies de sang, de persécutions, d’usure financière, de déséquilibre économique, de fausses théories et de mensonges ; ce n’est pas impunément qu’on immole en 30 ans cent millions d’êtres humains, sur l’autel de ses convoitises ; la Loi veut qu’on en récolte la moisson.

It is not with impunity that the whole of humanity can be overwhelmed by wars, revolutions, blood orgies, persecutions, financial exploitation, economic imbalance, false theories and lies. It is not with impunity that in 30 years a hundred million human beings can be immolated on the altar of all lusts. The Law desires the harvest to be harvested.

Quand, à l’horloge du destin, sonnera l’heure terrible de la reddition des comptes, que des peuples entiers préparés à ne plus écouter aucune autorité, ouvriront soudainement les yeux et verront toute la Vérité, il n’y aura sur cette terre ni autorité religieuse, ni autorité civile, ni autorité militaire qui pourra se faire entendre à ces foules et les empêcher de se lancer en tumulte contre les conspirateurs qui auront torturé l’humanité.

When, on the clock of destiny, the terrible hour of reckoning strikes, when whole peoples, prepared to turn a deaf ear to all authority, suddenly open their eyes and see the whole Truth, there will be on this Earth no religious authority, no civil authority, no military authority able to make themselves heard by these multitudes to prevent them from setting out in tumult against the conspirators who have tortured humanity.


De même que le mensonge a régné partout au même moment, de même que la conspiration a été simultanément universelle et globale, de même l’impétueuse et incontrôlable réaction sera mondiale. Dies irae, dies illa : jour de colère que ce jour-là ! Et personne n’y pourra rien faire.

Just as the lie has reigned everywhere at once; just as the con-spiracy was simultaneously universal and global, so will be the impetuous and uncontrollable worldwide reaction. Dies irae, dies illa: a day of anger like no other! And no one will be able to stop it.

L’esprit Va Tout Balayer

The Spirit Will Sweep It All Away

Dans l’intervalle, tout ce qui peut se produire n’a qu’une importance relative et mineure.  Ce qui compte, c’est la victoire finale de la Vérité sur l’Erreur, du Bien sur le Mal, de l’Ordre sur le Désordre, de l’Esprit sur la Matière.  Douter un seul instant de cette victoire, c’est douter de Dieu même et de Ses lois.  À quelque prix que ce soit, à quelque péril qu’on s’expose, il faut continuer de servir et proclamer la Vérité.  Nous sommes assurés de triompher avec elle, c’est tout ce qui compte.  Le reste a si peu d’importance que, s’y arrêter un seul instant, c’est diminuer sa propre stature d’homme, c’est descendre au niveau de l’ennemi.  Tout l’appareil des puissances matérielles, cela se résume à Zéro majuscule, devant l’Esprit qui peut et qui va tout balayer Plus l’opposition matérialiste qu’il y a devant nous est grande en quantité, plus nous devons affiner notre spiritualisme en qualité et en intensité,

Until then, whatever happens is of only relative and minor importance. What counts is the final victory of Truth over Error, of Good over Evil, of Order over Disorder, of Spirit over Matter. To doubt this victory for an instant is to doubt God himself and His laws. Whatever the cost, whatever the danger we face, we must continue to serve and proclaim the Truth. With her we are sure to triumph, that is all that counts. The rest is of so little importance that to hesitate an instant is to lessen one’s manhood; to descend to the level of the enemy. The whole apparatus of the material powers comes to a total of capital Zero before the Spirit, which can and will sweep it all away. The greater the quantity of the materialist opposition we face, the more we must heighten our spirituality in quality and intensity,


surtout par la souffrance, surtout en souffrant la souffrance des autres déjà plongés dans le creuset brûlant de l’Histoire. Quand viendra le choc final, nous serons les mieux armés, nous serons les plus forts ; et nous verrons, témoins favorisés de toutes les époques humaines, l’Esprit renverser, d’un souffle de feu, la misérable accumulation de matière dans laquelle d’autres hommes, fils de Dieu pourtant, avaient mis exclusivement leur foi, leur espérance et leur amour.

above all through suffering, above all by suffering the suffering of others already plunged in the burning crucible of History. When the final shock comes, we will be better armed, we will be strongest; and we shall see – as witnesses favored beyond those of all human eras – the Spirit overthrow, in a fiery wind, the miserable accumulation of matter in which other men, no less the sons of God, had exclusively placed their faith, hope, and love.


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New! Second free eBook from Adrien Arcand Books: “What is a French Canadian?” (1963)

What is a French Canadian? (1963)

Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français? by Adrien Arcand (1963)

Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français? by Adrien Arcand (1963)

“What is a French-Canadian?” (Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français?), (1963) was translated into English in February and in April of 2018. It was first published in html format.  The French original was scanned in the Quebec Archives in Montreal on 16 January 2018, in the rare books collection.

Adrien Arcand, <i>Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français?</i> on the scanning glass in the Quebec Archives in Montreal on 16 January 2018.

Adrien Arcand, Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français? on the scanning glass in the Quebec Archives in Montreal on 16 January 2018.

While the document itself is dated March 1963 by Adrien Arcand, the publisher is given in the archive catalog as the “Parti de l’Unité nationale du Canada, Service de librairie, 197-?”.  “Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français?” may therefore only have been published for the first time in the 1970s.

The Parti de l’Unité nationale du Canada, (PUNC) was Adrien Arcand’s last political party which he founded.  The National Unity Party of Canada (NUPC) (in official English), was declared illegal by MacKenzie King in 1940, although Arcand had suspended its activities.  Arcand revived the party upon his release from a 5-year and 5-week stay at a Canadian concentration camp in Fredericton, New Brunswick during the second world war.  This longest internment of its kind in the whole British Empire was apparently imposed because Arcand refused to do his “loyal share” for Canada’s so-called “glorious ally, the USSR”, in WWII.  Vive, Arcand !

What is a French-Canadian? by Adrien Arcand (1963) free flipbook

What is a French-Canadian? by Adrien Arcand (1963).  ZIP contains: PDF, epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf and Flash Flipbook.

In this little pamphlet dated March 1963, Adrien Arcand describes the unique character of the French-Canadian, comprised of the best features of French and Saxon religious and legal heritage.

Today’s free download is the first PDF edition, together with mobile formats and a flash flipbook for your desktop.  Click the Flipbook image above to download.

You can also download a free scan of the French original.


Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français?

From the pen of Adrien Arcand in March 1963

For the First Time, in English



Pour Yvonne Giguère Arcand de Québec, et pour Yves-Adrien Arcand, Jean-Louis Arcand et Pierre Arcand.

For Yvonne Giguère Arcand of Quebec City, and for Yves-Adrien Arcand, Jean-Louis Arcand and Pierre Arcand.

A young Adrien Arcand in the era when he was a journalist at <i>La Presse</i>

A young Adrien Arcand in the era when he was a journalist at La Presse.

Sir F. E. Smith, newly created Lord Birkenhead, on his appointment as Lord Chancellor

Sir F. E. Smith, newly created Lord Birkenhead, on his appointment as Lord Chancellor



Un jour, il y a une cinquantaine d’années, le juge en chef du Conseil Privé d’Angleterre, qui était de passage à Montréal, posa cette question à son auditoire réuni dans une salle du Ritz-Carlton:

One day, about fifty years ago, the Chief Justice of the Privy Council of England, who was passing through Montreal, put this question to his audience in a room at the Ritz-Carlton:

Qu’est-ce qu’un Canadien-français?

“What is a French Canadian?”

Un jeune journaliste employé à La Presse, qui s’appelait Adrien Arcand, fit cette réponse admirable:

A young journalist employed at La Presse, whose name was Adrien Arcand, gave this admirable reply:

“Monsieur, le Canadien-Français est le seul homme sur terre qui a le génie des deux plus grandes civilisations, porté jusqu’au plus haut degré:  la civilisation latine et la civilisation saxonne.”

“Sir, the French-Canadian is the only man on Earth who has the genius of the two greatest civilizations, carried to the highest degree: the Latin civilization and the Saxon civilization.”

Lord Birkenhead, étonné, répondit:

Lord Birkenhead, astonished, replied:

“Jeune homme, je comprends maintenant pourquoi vos avocats sont si brillants, lorsqu’ils vont plaider devant le Conseil Privé, à Londres.  Je me demandais d’où leur venait leur bel équilibre d’esprit.  Vous me donnez l’explication que je cherchais.”

“Young man, I now understand why your lawyers are so brilliant when they plead before the Privy Council in London.  I wondered where their beautiful balance of spirit came from.  You have given me the explanation I was looking for.”



Dans le bas peuple, chez nous, lorsqu’on entend parler un parisien, on s’écrit:  “Tiens voilà un sacré français!”  Et si on entend parler un anglais à la bouche empâtée, on dit:  “Voilà un sacré bloke!”  D’où vient cette réaction? ― Cette réaction vient du sentiment confus qui distingue le latin du saxon …

In the lower class, at home, when we hear a Parisian speak, we say:  “Here is a real Frenchman!”  And if we hear a thick-tongued Englishman, we say:  “Here is a hell of a bloke!”  Where does this reaction come from? — This reaction comes from the confused feeling that distinguishes the Latin from the Saxon …

Le Canadien-Français n’est pas français à part entière; il n’est pas, non plus, complètement anglais.  Il reconnaît bien les liens qui le rattachent à sa mère-patrie; mais dans la France actuelle, il y a quelque chose qu’il n’aime pas; sa conception de la LIBERTÉ.  Chez l’anglais aussi, il y a quelque chose qui nous agace; sa conception de LA PROPRIÉTÉ … Voilà qui classe le Canadien-Français à part.

The French-Canadian is not entirely French; nor is he, either, completely English.  He recognizes the ties which bind him to his mother country; but in present-day France there is something he does not like:  the conception of FREEDOM.  With the English too, there is something that annoys us:  the conception of PROPERTY… That is what sets the French-Canadian apart.

Dans la vie d’un homme, il y a deux choses auxquelles il tient:  sa peau et sa chemise.  C’est-à-dire:  sa liberté et sa propriété!  La première passe toujours avant l’autre.  Car, c’est par la vision qu’on se fait de la vie, que l’on traduit ses actes vitaux.  Or, le Canadien-Français qui a subi deux dominations, française puis anglaise, a assimilé ce qu’il y avait de plus précieux chez l’une ou l’autre.  Il en a fait des principes et ne veut pas s’en departir.

In a man’s life, there are two things to which he clings:  his skin and his shirt.  Meaning:  his freedom and his property!  The first takes priority over the latter.  For, it is by one’s vision of life that all his vital acts are translated.  Now, the French-Canadian, who has undergone two dominations, the French and then the English, has absorbed what was most valuable in one and the other.  He has made principles from this with which he is unwilling to part.

Nous avons assimilé ce que le génie latin a produit de plus grand:  son Code civil.  On y trouve une juste conception de la propriété, qui laisse à l’individu le plus de latitude possible, pour disposer de ses biens comme il le désire, et cela jusqu’à sa mort.

We have absorbed the greatest product of Latin genius:  its Civil Code.  There, one finds a correct conception of property, which leaves to the individual the most latitude possible to dispose of his goods as he wishes, and this, up until his death.

Du génie saxon, nous avons recueilli son Droit criminel.  Nous y trouvons une conception CATHOLIQUE de la liberté; ce furent les barons catholiques qui l’ont fondée vers l’an mil, alors que l’Angleterre s’appelait l’ILE DES SAINTS.  Voilà pourquoi, on lit encore (en français) sur les armoiries d’Albion:  “Dieu et mon droit … Honni soit qui mal y pense…”1  Dans ce Droit criminel anglais on pose ce principe:  toute personne est libre et supposée innocente, tant que l’on n’a pas prouvé sa culpabilité.

From the Saxon genius, we took the Criminal law.  Here we find a CATHOLIC conception of freedom; it was the Catholic barons who established it around the year 1000, when England was called THE ISLE OF SAINTS.  This is why we still read (in French) on the coat of arms of Albion:  “God and my right — Shame on him who thinks evil of it.”1  In this English Criminal law the principle is posed:  everyone is free and presumed innocent until proven guilty.

Un anglais riche qui dispose de sa fortune, en lègue ordinairement une part, soit au collège où il a étudié, soit à un hôpital ou à une bibliothèque, et il fonde des bourses pour aider les étudiants ou les miséreux, etc. … après sa mort; sans quoi, sa famille ne serait plus considérée et se verrait déshonorée.  Mais ce n’est pas dans nos habitudes … Car nous avons gardé de la France son attachement au domaine familial.

A wealthy Englishman who disposes of his fortune, usually bequeaths a share, either to the college where he studied, or to a hospital or a library, and he establishes scholarships to help students or the poor, etc., after his death; otherwise, his family would no longer be well regarded and would be disgraced.  But that is not one of our habits… For we have maintained France’s attachment to the familial domain.

D’autre part, si nous aimons bien la France, nous n’acceptons pas sa conception de la liberté: dans ce pays, si la police arrête un individu, il doit prouver lui-même qu’il n’est pas coupable.

On the other hand, if we are quite fond of France, we do not admit its conception of liberty:  in that country, if the police arrest an individual, he, himself, must prove that he is not guilty.

Notez bien que le Canadien-Français a su choisir ce qui était le meilleur, dans ces deux civilisations, et qu’il en a rejeté ce qu’il n’aimait pas.  Ce qui a contribué à faire de lui l’homme le plus équilibré que l’on connaisse.  Le SENS INNÉ DE L’ÉQUILIBRE:  voilà bien ce qui frappe les étrangers qui nous visitent ou nous rencontrent; et voilà aussi ce qui qualifie notre peuple pour les combats idéologiques ou spirituels.

Take good note that the French-Canadian was able to choose what was best in these two civilizations, and he rejected what he disliked.  Which has helped to make him the most balanced man we know.  The INNER SENSE OF BALANCE:  that is what strikes foreigners who visit us or meet us; and that is also what qualifies our people for ideological or spiritual struggles.

Il est donc évident qu’ils se trompent fatalement ces esprits forts (qui ne sont que des esprits faibles en logique) qui vont en France, dans les Loges maçonniques, puiser des idées matérialistes, ou existentialistes, ou athéistes, pour revenir ici et tenter de nous corrompre avec ces idées fausses.

It is therefore obvious that the hard-headed (who are simply those minds weak in logic) are fatally mistaken, who go to France, to the Masonic lodges, to get materialist, existentialist, or atheist ideas, only to return here to try to corrupt us with these misconceptions.

Notre Histoire prouve que le Canadian-Français a toujours combattu pour des idées spirituelles:  notre foi, notre langue, nos coutumes, notre système d’éducation, le mariage et la famille, etc.  Et nous avons toujours combattu contre l’hérésie, l’impiété, l’apostasie, la trahison nationale, l’éducation matérialiste, le divorce et le malthusianisme.  Nous avons laissé à d’autres la poursuite des richesses et de la puissance économique (jusqu’à un excès que nous sommes en train de corriger).

Our History proves that the French-Canadian has always fought for spiritual ideas:  our faith, our language, our customs, our system of education, marriage and the family, etc.  And we have always fought against heresy, impiety, apostasy, national betrayal, materialistic education, divorce, and Malthusianism.  We have left to others the pursuit of wealth and economic power (to an excess that we are correcting).

C’EST PAR L’ESPRIT QUE L’ON CONQUIERT.  Par exemple, voici deux victoires de l’esprit canadien-français:  la Croisade de Tempérance, la lutte pour l’Autonomie des provinces.

IT IS BY THE SPIRIT THAT WE CONQUER.  For example, here are two victories of the French-Canadian spirit:  our Temperance Crusade, and our struggle for the Autonomy of the provinces.

La tempérance:  Au début du siècle, les États-Unis édictaient des Lois de Prohibition contre le commerce des boissons alcooliques.  Dans la Province de Québec, après quelques hésitations, on finit par adopter une Loi de Tempérance:  victoire du bon sens, de l’équilibre … Après quelques années, toutes les autres Provinces du Canada puis les États américains ont servilement copié notre Loi de Tempérance (évidemment, elle est perfectible dans sa rédaction et son application, comme toute loi humaine).  Voilà une conquête!

Temperance:  At the start of the century, the United States enacted Prohibition Laws against the trade in alcoholic beverages.  In the Province of Quebec, after some hesitation, we ended up adopting a Temperance Law: a victory of common sense, of balance … A few years later, all the other Provinces of Canada and then the American States subserviently copied our Temperance Law (obviously, it can be perfected in its drafting and application, like any human law).  Now, that is a conquest!

L’autonomie.  Chez nous, un homme s’est le champion de cette cause:  Duplessis … Il n’y a que les fanatiques aveugles qui refusent de le reconnaître.  Au début de cette lutte, Duplessis, était seul contre le Gouvernement fédéral et les autres Provinces, pour proclamer l’idée CANADIENNE-FRANÇAISE de l’Autonomie.  Alors on se moquait de lui!  En moins de vingt ans, Duplessis les a tous conquis.  Toutes les Provinces du Canada, sans aucune exception, réclament leur autonomie, et le Gouvernement central est obligé de faire des concessions.  Le Gouvernement du Québec est obligé de suivre la même voie, tracée par Duplessis.  C’est encore une conquête du génie de notre race.

Autonomy.  Here, one man championed this cause:  Duplessis … Only blind fanatics refuse to appreciate him.  At the start of the struggle, Duplessis was alone against the Federal Government and the other Provinces, proclaiming the FRENCH-CANADIAN idea of Autonomy.  So he was made fun of!  In less than twenty years, Duplessis had conquered them all.  All the Provinces of Canada, without exception, claim their autonomy, and the Central Government is bound to make concessions.  The Government of Quebec is bound to follow the same path traced by Duplessis.  Yet another conquest by the genius of our race.

Le peuple du Québec (les Canadiens-Français), ruiné par la conquête anglaise en 1760, a peu à peu reconquis ses droits et sa liberté.  Après 200 ans d’efforts, il a maintenant un standard de vie plus élevé que la France après 2000 ans, que l’Italie après 3000 ans… Victoire de l’équilibre !nbsp;!

The people of Quebec (the French-Canadians), ruined by the English Conquest in 1760, gradually reconquered their rights and freedom.  After 200 years of effort, they now have a standard of living higher than that of France after 2,000 years, or Italy after 3,000 years … A victory of balance!

Considérons, pour finir, une vue d’ensemble … À voir les manoeuvres et les rencontres diplomatiques aux Nations Unies, nous constatons que LE GRAND ASSAUT MATÉRIALISTE se prepare … Chez nous, on attaque directement nos positions catholiques; réclamations des agnostiques, propagande du Laïcisme en faveur de l’école neutre, du mariage civil et du divorce, infiltration des communistes dans nos corps publics (surtout par la presse, la radio, la télévision); contamination de certains clubs sociaux par des idées socialistes ou marxistes; trahison de certains universitaires qui bousculent nos traditions séculaires et travaillent à démolir notre édifice religieux et national … La bataille est donc engagée:  il faut combattre !

Finally, let’s consider an overview.  Observing the maneuvers and diplomatic meetings at the United Nations, we find that THE GREAT MATERIALIST ASSAULT is in preparation … In our country, our Catholic positions are under direct attack from claims by agnostics, from secular propaganda favoring the neutral school, civil marriage and divorce, from infiltration of communists into our public bodies (in particular the press, radio, and television); contamination of certain social clubs by socialist or Marxist ideas; and betrayal by some academics who knock our secular traditions and work to demolish our religious and national edifice … The battle is thus engaged:  we must fight ! !

Le Canadien-Français doit garder son équilibre.  Il doit défendre sa foi et ses traditions si nobles, qui ont fait la force de son peuple, et en ont assuré la survivance.  Il est armé pour combattre le matérialisme et gagner la victoire du spiritualisme.  Il peut compter sur l’aide de Dieu, s’il demeure fidèle à sa mission.

The French-Canadian must maintain his equilibrium.  He must defend his faith and his so-noble traditions, which have been the strength of his people, and ensured their survival.  He is armed to fight materialism and win the victory of spiritualism.  He can count on the help of God to remain faithful to his mission.

À l’occasion du Concile du Vatican, on nous recommanda l’unité entre chrétiens … Il faut éviter les discriminations entre cousins dans la Haute Culture Chrétienne.  Au lieu de nous diviser, unissons-nous, pour défendre la Chrétienté contre les ennemis du Christ.

At the time of the Vatican Council, unity among Christians was recommended … we must avoid discrimination among cousins in our High Christian Culture.  Rather than dividing, let us unite to defend Christendom against the enemies of Christ.

Lorsque les athées et les agnostiques veulent tout laïciser ou neutraliser:  écoles, hôpitaux, tribunaux, universités, instruments de diffusion, etc. … marchons ensemble, Canadiens-Français et Canadiens-Anglais, pour planter partout la Croix et établir la Règne du Christ-Roi dans notre patrie.

When atheists and agnostics want to secularize or neutralize everything:  schools, hospitals, courts, universities, broadcasting, etc., let us walk together, French Canadians and English Canadians, to plant the Cross everywhere and establish the Rule of Christ the King in our homeland.

“O CANADA! … car ton bras sait porter l’épée, il sait porter la Croix … et ta valeur, de foi trempée, protégera nos foyers et nos droits.”

“O CANADA! … your arm can raise the sword, it can carry the Cross and its treasure, steeped in faith, to protect our homes and our rights.2


mars 1963


March 1963


1.  Honni soit qui mal y pense est une expression anglo-normande.  C’est la devise de l’Ordre de la Jarretière, l’ordre le plus important de la chevalerie britannique.  Le verbe honnir est un verbe de la langue française qui aujourd’hui n’est plus guère utilisé et signifie blâmer quelqu’un en lui faisant honte, en le soumettant au mépris public.  Une traduction contemporaine de la phrase serait «Honte à celui qui en pense le mal».


1.  Honni soit qui mal y pense is an Anglo-Norman phrase.  It is the motto of the Order of the Garter, the most important order of British chivalry.  The verb honnir is a verb of the French language which today is hardly used any more and means to blame someone by shaming him, by subjecting him to public contempt.  A contemporary translation of the phrase would be “Shame on him who thinks evil of it”.

2.  Note de la traductrice.  Le dernier paragraphe d’Arcand est un abrégé de l’hymne national du Canada en français.  Pour ceux qui ne sont pas familiers, voici une partition contenant à la fois les paroles françaises et les paroles anglaises de cette chanson.  Il y a des différences entre l’anglais et le français, car ni l’un ni l’autre n’est une traduction de l’autre.  Cependant, dans la version abrégée d’Arcand, j’ai bien traduit son français.  La partition ne fait pas partie de la brochure originale d’Arcand.  Je espère que vous l’apprécierez.

2.  Translator’s Note.  Arcand’s final paragraph is an abridgement of Canada’s national anthem in French.  For those unfamiliar, here is sheet music with both the French lyrics and the English lyrics of that song.  There are differences between the English and the French, because they are not translations of one another.  However, in Arcand’s abridgement, I have indeed translated his French.  The sheet music is not a part of Arcand’s original pamphlet.  Hope you enjoy it.

O Canada!

O Canada!

Thank you for reading.  I hope you find this English translation useful.
Merci pour la lecture. J’espère que cette traduction anglaise vous sera utile.


New! Adrien Arcand Books launches first Free eBook in PDF and mobile formats

Communism Installed Here by Adrien Arcand, 1966.  Free eBook.

Communism Installed Here by Adrien Arcand, 1966.  Free eBook.

Communism Installed Here by Adrien Arcand, 1966.  Free eBook.

Communism Installed Here by Adrien Arcand, 1966.  Free eBook.

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ZIP contains: PDF, epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf and Flash Flipbook.


Now included in the ZIP: a flash flipbook for your desktop.

Communism Installed Here, Adrien Arcand (1966) free flash flipbook

Communism Installed Here, Adrien Arcand (1966) free flash flipbook

On the Front Cover:

Adrien Arcand


Le Communisme Installé Chez Nous (Communism Installed Here)

For the first time, in English


Exclusive English translation of his 1966 talk at Montreal exposing the oneness of Free-Masonry, Zionism, the Talmud, World Government and Universal Communism.

On the Back Cover:

Adrien Arcand delivered this crucial public talk, Communism Installed Here, at Montreal in 1966, the year before he died.

Enumerating The Ten Commandments of Karl Marx, the Communist “Decalogue”, Arcand exposes Communism as “a Jewish device to lead Israel to world power”. Said Arcand:

“When we know that Judeo-Marxism is enthroned in the Kremlin and is directing countries under the Soviet yoke, when we know that Judeo-Masonry is enthroned at Lake Success and is directing the democratic governments, it is not surprising that all humanity is suffering attacks, everywhere at once …”

Download your free copy now.  The ZIP file [Communism Installed Here, Adrien Arcand (1966).zip] contains the PDF and the following mobile versions:  epub, mobi, azw3, fb2, lit, lrf.

You can also download a free copy of the SCAN made of the French original in the Quebec Archives on 16 January 2018, which was used to prepare the English translation.

A Word of Caution:

In reading this pamphlet which accompanied Arcand’s public talk at Montreal in 1966, keep in mind that high-ranking KGB defector, Anatoliy Golitsyn, predicted and warned that the KGB would stage the “collapse” of Communism, to allow complete integration of the Soviet apparatus into the West before a final “World Oktober Revolution”, a world-wide version of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution, which was a war of aggression, not a “revolution”.  Look for Golitsyn’s two books, The Perestroika Deception and New Lies for Old.

It is also quite urgent that the staged collapse warned of by Golitsyn appears to have been co-planned in Canada with our red Trudeau regime.

Look for clear signs of this in a propaganda piece in the Canada section of the National Post.  The article is entitled:  “How a three-hour conversation at a Liberal cabinet minister’s home triggered the collapse of the Soviet Union” by Allan Levine, Special to National Post, March 17, 2013, 9:00 PM ET.

The article also ties the family of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, through intimate friendship, to a key Soviet orchestrator of the planned world overthrow:  Alexander Yakovlev, for whom Trudeau’s son, Alexandre, was named and/or nicknamed.  Golitsyn calls Yakovlev “an expert on the manipulation of the Western media”.  Said Golitsyn:  “Yakovlev’s main task is to present, project and sell ‘perestroika’ to the West as a novel, pragmatic, opportunistic, non-ideological policy which harbours no aggressive, strategic design against the West.”

And a final word from Golitsyn:

“Current Soviet strategists like Yakovlev are skilful dialecticians who are creatively developing and applying Leninist ideas derived from the period of the New Economic Policy.

As indicated earlier, the present grand strategy, adopted in 1958-60, is based upon a classic realisation of the Hegelian dialectical triad:

Thesis:  Stalinism [or Stalinist Communism].
Antithesis:  Rejection of Stalinist Communism
Synthesis:  Converging, merging and marriage of Communist (socialist) substance (content) with democratic format, or ‘democratism’ [= ‘convergence’].

This use of ‘democratic’ form is deceptive:  it is the essence of the strategic manoeuvre which is intended to secure the final world victory of Communism.  Here, in addition to Hegelian dialectics, the Communist strategists took Sun Tzu’s advice.

Sun Tzu wrote:  ‘I base my plans for victory on form, but this is not understood by the common man.  Although each has the ability to behold things as they appear, none understands how I have forged victory’.”

The facts that the Parti Québécois, which ran two (illegal) referendums in 1980 and 1995 to dismantle Canada, calls for a Communist State of Quebec in its 1972 manifesto (Quand nous serons vraiment chez nous); and that Pierre Elliott Trudeau and a committee of fellow reds from the federal cabinet of Soviet Agent Lester Bowles Pearson (aka “Mike”) ordered Lévesque to set up that party; should all underscore the validity of warnings from Golitsyn and Arcand.  For research on point, look online for “CANADA How The Communists Took Control” and key words:  “Pearson, Soviet espionage”; and also:  “secret committee”.

At pages 101-103 of the PQ’s 1972 manifesto, the real purpose of Quebec “sovereignty” is admitted, and it is not for the benefit of the French-Canadians.  Quebec sovereignty is needed because in Canada, the powers are divided between the provinces and the federal government.  Many of the federal powers are needed to construct a (Communist) plan.  Here’s the admission:

“What is revealed by this experiment of the Sixties, is that without the necessary instruments, a Plan will never be anything but a more or less inadequate study, presented more or less well, but rigorously platonic.  The missing instruments are precisely those which result from sovereignty.  As long as Quebec is not independent, as long as it does not possess all the fiscal, legislative and mobilizing powers of a Sovereign state, to wave the banner of planning is at best the expression of a great lack of guile, or at worst, a fairly cheap way to neutralize a growing desire for participation.”

The “experiment of the Sixties” was the effort of the red Jean-Lesage “liberals” to set up State-controlled planning to run Quebec’s economy.  The official paper trail begins with the Conseil d’orientation économique in 1961, allegedly promoting “democratic” planning; but by 1972, it will become “coercive” (totalitarian) planning, according to Charles Perrault, interviewed on Radio-Canada that same year without, however, admitting to the listener that Perrault himself was an early member of the Conseil d’orientation économique.

In addition, the word “participation” specifically means Yugoslav-style communism, also called “industrial democracy”, and long promoted (outside Parliament, obviously) by the NDP, and Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his leftist colleagues.

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