|The claimants are members of the National Unity Party of Canada. (Appendixes I & II) of the present document explain the origin of this educational group, and the reason why it dealt with the politically dangerous Jewish question.
The claimants have been interned during the last war for periods from one year to over five years. As they all have affirmed in their petitions of right, their internments were unjust and unjustified, despotic tyrannic, ordered without any semblance of reason or pretext, for motives of political revenge. All avenues of justice to which loyal citizens and faithful subjects of His (then) Majesty the King are entitled under a British system and tradition of law, were closed to them. In their case, all prerogatives and privileges issuing from the Magna Carta, from their citizenship and even from the Canadian Parliament were sus-pended – whilst granted to other internees or associations –, and the letters de cachet issued against them were extorted from the King by willful deception of His Majesty. When their judi-cial cases were to be taken up by the Court of the Exchequer, the Deputy-Minister of Justice, Mr. J. P. F. Varcoe was in-structed to raise a point of law which could be summed up thus: “The claimants have been interned by an Order in Council, viz.: by the King, and since the King can do no wrong, the claimants cannot prosecute”. This closed the door to any trial on facts through which, with official parliamentary and governmental documents, the claimants could prove that H.M. the King had been deceived by his Minister of Justice for Canada (the Rt. Hon. J. Ernest Lapointe, who had been waging for years a per-
personal feud against Adrien Arcand for the latter’s anti-Liberal campaigns of 1930 and 1935 for Bennett, of 1935, 1936 for Duplessis). When that point of law was raised, the claimants, after consulting with their legal councillors, came to the conclusion that their judicial effort was still kept in the political realm, that the political party in power which had taken the responsibility of punishing them could not admit that it had been wrong, and that nothing could be expected before a change of political regime. That change having happened, the claimants have decided to resume their request for a redress in court on FACTS and see if, under a non-Liberal regime, the expression “British justice and fair play” means more than under a Liberal government.
OF FACTS AND EVENTS
For several months prior to the Second World War (Sept. 3, 1939), the National Unity Party of Canada campaigned against “a plot to impose a new world war upon humanity”, publishing prints 1 and organizing meetings in several provinces to that effect, affirming with numerous quotings that it was intended to spread communism which had been established in the First World War. The party leader, Adrien Arcand, had redacted 2 in May 1939 an article which was printed in more than 400 periodicals throughout the world; after numerous quotations from numerous books, speeches and editorials from Jewish world leaders and publications, the article went on: “so, war is announced as made inevitable and imperative by those people, if western statesmen are light-headed to fall in for it and throw humanity into a new world war desired and willed by the Jews, what will be the outcome of it? The spreading of communism over Europe, its overwhelming of exhausted, mutilated and ruined western nations, of many crushed states and shattered peoples.” This drew against the claimants and their movement an unprecedented broadside of smearing from the communist and Jewish press of Canada, faithfully repeating the slogans screamed in the House of Commons and across the country by Mr. Fred Rose, M.P., Secretary Caiserman of the Canadian Jewish Congress and a United States citizen known by the name of Rabbi Eisendrath, of Toronto. – (In the first few weeks that followed the declaration of a state of war, according to “The Forrestal Diaries”, Sir Neville Chamberlain stated that…“Poland was no cause of war either for France or the
1 This is “franglais”, a French word converted to English. He’s thinking in French: “imprimés,” (“prints”) printed papers.
2 This is more “franglais”. By “redacted” Arcand means that he “wrote,” he “drafted”.
United Kingdom… England was forced into this war by Washington and the world Jews”. Which statement is not yet accounted for as a possible reason for his unexpected and premature passing away, and later the unexpected sad end of James Forrestal who had dared reproduce it in his Diaries).
– – – – –
When Great Britain issued its second ultimatum to Germany, the Council of the National Unity Party was summoned on the same day, Sept. 2, 1939, for an appraisal of the situation and of policy. Rightly or wrongly, the party leadership saw in the German move into Poland the last step to meet the Soviet armed forces, which had been forewarned by the leaps across Austria and Czechoslovakia, the immediate preparation for a fight to a finish with communist Russia as forewarned by the Anticomintern Pact, the Third Reich leitmotiv of “Drag Nach Osten” and its frequent allusions to the necessity of “Lebensraum” and of developing “the plains of Ukraine and the mines of Caucasus” for western Europe’s needs. It was felt that the best interest of Canada and of the Empire would be to keep their strength intact whilst Germany and the USSR would wear out and exhaust themselves, by striving for localizing the conflict; that a generalization of the conflict would in the end make us fight only for the survival of the USSR and the spreading of Communism everywhere with a corresponding destruction of Christian civilization. Consequently, the following was agreed upon and the Leader was requested to instruct the Party accordingly: 1. The British prestige makes it impossible to withdraw her second ultimatum to Germany and war is certain; Canada will inevitably be drawn into that war; when Germany engages a conflict with the Soviet Union, it is evident common sense that Britain will not allow the destruction of the balance of power upon which the Empire rests and in which it finds its justification; 2. When Canada becomes in a war, unity of political pur-pose and action will be imperative for as long as that state en-
dures, and a Union government will most probably be formed and with which all political entities will have to cooperate; 3. The National Unity Party having no official responsibility nor representation in the House of Commons and being known to deal with the influence of world Jewry in national and international affairs, and the coming war being related with the Jewish question, it will be wiser for the N.U.P., in order not to embarrass the government in power, to suspend its publications and public activities for the duration of the war. – Immediately after that council meeting, the latter issued instructions for the cessation of publications and public activities, which instructions were transmitted throughout Canada by telephone, telegram and mail. After Canada had been voted into a state of war by Parliament, the war-time censor of the French press paid a visit to Adrien Arcand, then Editor of L’Illustration-Nouvelle, in his office, stating he had come under special instructions from the Rt. Hon. J. Ernest Lapointe, to loan him (Arcand) a copy of the War Regulations and warn him that his paper was under particular surveillance. Later, the same censor addressed a letter of severe reprimand to Arcand because, in reporting the naval battle of La Plata, L’Illustration-Nouvelle had printed that the German cruiser Graf Spee was … “an enemy ship”, the letter saying that such an expression was beyond all limits and threatening the paper with due action if another breach of the war regulations were committed. After that baffling letter, no other correspondence was received from the censor.
As the then “Phoney War” dragged along, Mr. Fred Rose, M.P., published a booklet under the title of “Hitler’s Fifth Column in Canada”, attacking the claimants and their organization as led, controlled, organized, financed, etc., by Hitler or his government or his party. Already in 1937, in his yearly report (“Not for Publication”) to the Canadian Jewish Congress, reading the report of the ‘Committee of Public Relations’ of the B’Nai B’Rith and CJC, said and had it mimeographed that ‘The Committee had succeeded in making the Canadian public believe
that Arcand’s movement was a German affair’ (which had been denied many times in public meetings and publications of the party). That kind of propaganda was carried on with an increasing intensity in the communist, socialist and Jewish press until the Spring of 1940.
Meanwhile, in October 1939, a party member of military rank was instructed to offer to the Department of Defense the im-mediate formation of a whole brigade from among the party membership for the defense of Canada. Major-General Laflèche acknowledged the letter with thanks and a commendation for loyalty, advising individual enlistment in existing regiments. Several party members who offered their services were not accepted because, as they were answered orally and in writing, they “were against international Jewry”.
By the end of April 1940, Lord Lothian, British Ambassador to Washington, sent to Montreal someone to ask Arcand “Can you pull through?” after telling that the pressure of the Jews and F.D.R. against you is so great that you will have to be interned for the duration”. He added: “You will be arrested in about thirty days”.
On May 28, 1940, about nine months after the beginning of the War, the claimants were arrested, charged, denied bail and brought to preliminary enquiry. This enquiry, with the postponements, lasted for three weeks, and no shred of evidence relating to the charge was ever brought by the only witness to be heard and for whose cross-examination no opportunity was given to the defense. The preliminary inquiry was abruptly postponed sine die by the presiding judge who overruled the protests of the defense.
The claimants were sent back to jail, denied bail again and ordered to be kept incommunicado. While they were in jail, under a postponement sine die of their preliminary inquiry, an Order
in Council was passed making the National Unity Party illegal, and another Order in Council passed for their internment for their being members of an illegal association. The official pretext for outlawing the party was that it was “suspected of intending to take power by force or violence”; such a pretext was ridicule to the utmost since the official party program, regulations of membership and constant teachings condemned formally the preaching and use of force or violence in all situations, and particularly that relating to the assumption of political power.
On the same day that the internment of the claimants was announced to the public, the Rt. Hon. J. Ernest Lapointe, Minister of Justice, speaking in the House of Commons, explained the motives of his government for issuing the Orders in Council. Profiting by the fact that his victims were in no position possible to answer, he deceitfully spoke of a plot to seize power by force after which he was to be executed. “I have ordered their internment so that we know they are not at large”. He also said: “It is not the only PUNISHMENT that they will incur, for after the war they will undergo trial on the charges proffered against them”. He stated that the internments would last for the duration.
For several months, at Petawawa internment camp, the claim-ants were invited to appeal for their liberation to a Commission of Inquiry, which invitations they declined.
When pressed and urged to agree to appeal by the authority of the camp, they answered that they had lost all faith in the integrity, morality and honour of the political power then in office, but that they would willingly refer their particular case to H. M. The King if the military would agree to transfer their explanations to their Supreme Commander in Chief or his representative the Governor General. The camp commandant declared himself agreeable to such transfer, and the claimants gave him a
letter to the Sovereign containing the following:
- The only forms supplied for appeal are intended, in their printed headings, for “enemy aliens” and “prisoners of war”. The internees, feeling that they are neither “enemies” nor “aliens” nor “prisoners of war” cannot accept to use such forms.
- The Minister of Justice is the highest and final appeal to rule over the recommendation of the Commission of enquiry hearing the internees. The said Minister of Justice has notified the nation officially that we internees would be captive for the duration of the war, so lodging an appeal in our particular cases, would be a mockery of justice.
- As internees we have to answer questions under oath; as defendants in a criminal court, under a preliminary enquiry simply postponed, our right not to answer is jeopardized by the obligation to answer if we appeal from our internments. So that all avenues of justice have been closed to us, a situation which we lay at the foot of the Throne.
For the above reasons, it is impossible for us to appeal from our internments. Yet, if Your Majesty deems it fit for us to appeal, for reasons of obedience, service and good order, we shall.
After several weeks, the camp commandant came with an answer which he said had been through the Secretary of State 3 and had orders to read to the claimants as many times as they would. In the secrecy of an empty hut surrounded by guards; he asked the claimants to memorize the letter since he could not leave the document with them nor let them touch it or copy it. The letter gave to understand that the claimants were not enemy
3 The “Secretary of State” is a government minister for foreign relations. AAB
aliens nor prisoners of war, but rather political prisoners who, having not been condemned or sentenced, could not be placed in prisons or penitentiaries; that, for certain reasons which they could surmise, they were put under the “protection” of the Geneva Convention.4 And the letter advised them to enter appeal of their internments, against their loathing it, answering them that they would receive true justice.
The claimants have appeared before the Commission set up for hearing the appeals of the internees.
Those commissions proved to be, rather than bodies reaching for the truth, simply enterprises for intellectual trapping, trying to extort from internees answers which would justify their internment. In many instances, the questioners ordered the answers to be put off the record because they might compromise politicians in office. The claimants, interned as suspects of intending to take power by force, were questioned for hours on all kinds of irrelevant and often silly subjects and not on the motives alleged for their internment.
In the first months of 1941,6 the department of war services published and distributed throughout Canada, in both languages, a booklet entitled “Canadians All” – “Tous Canadiens”, under the authority of the Minister of that department and with the coat-of-arms of Canada. That booklet described the claimants as members of an organisation founded by Germany in Canada, financed by Berlin, inspired by and under the leadership of the German government. When, after several months,
4 The Geneva Convention is an agreement first drawn up in Geneva in 1864 and later revised concerning the treatment of captured and wounded military personnel and civilians in wartime. AAB
5 Ernest Lapointe was Liberal Justice Minister when the booklet defaming Arcand and the NUPC was produced. Lapointe was in office from October 23, 1935 to November 26, 1941. Louis Saint-Laurent was Justice Minister next from De-cember 10, 1941 to December 9, 1946. AAB
Adrien Arcand received a copy of that booklet, he immediately wrote to his lawyer instructions to apply for a Writ of Prohibition for the cessation of publication and the repeal of circulation of the said booklet by the Government of Canada, and to take proceedings against the government for libel and defamation. It was evident that the government of Canada had published the said booklet only to justify the internment and its continuation of the claimants, in the public opinion. After two weeks, the Petawawa Camp censor (Sgt. Marquand) summoned Arcand to his office and informed him that his letter would not be transmitted to his solicitor, as per orders from Ottawa.
Shortly after that, Brig. General Woods,6 national commissioner of the R.C.M.P., in a report to the Minister of Justice and tabled in the House of Commons, stated that The National Unity Party was essentially a Canadian movement, after having given the foreign connections of the Communist Party of Canada, the Canadian Fascio and the Canadian German Bund.
In the summer of that same year (1941), a parliamentary committee of the House of Commons was appointed, under the chairmanship of the Hon. Mr. Robichaud, Minister of the Department of Fisheries, to hear the appeals of outlawed organizations against the Orders in Council making them illegal.
The National Unity Party was the first to enter appeal but the chairman of the committee would never grant it a hearing, and house publications give no indication that the Hon. Mr. Robichaud even showed his correspondence with Adrien Arcand to the Committee. The Communist Party of Canada, the wit-
6 Keep in mind again, this is a typed draft from 1957; this may be a typographical error. Arcand might mean Stuart S. Wood of the RCMP, or he might mean Mr. W. S. Woods, C.M.G., a Deputy Minister. It’s difficult to clarify, because it is hard to find anything using the search form for historical Hansard at parl.canadiana.ca. Also, that form searches OCR’d materials, and OCR is not always perfect. AAB
nesses of Jehova and Technocrats, Inc. were granted a hearing and relieved of the illegality decreed against them.
After months of vain communications tried in various ways to reach the then Minister of Justice, the Hon. L. S. Saint-Laurent, three ladies, Mrs. H. Bouchard, Mrs. G. Lanctôt and Mrs. M. Gatien succeeded in reaching him in his home in Quebec City. They had tried everywhere in the department to have an answer to a clear-cut question: for what wrongs are our husbands kept interned? To which Mr. Saint-Laurent answered: “Mesdames, I do not know any more than you for what reasons your husbands are interned, and I do not know any more than you do when they will be released.
In 1953 7 Mrs. A. Arcand obtained a special permit to visit her husband in Fredericton internment camp. The only purpose of that visit was to notify him to get prepared to come out, for it had been arranged with a personal friend and… a minister of the Crown that Arcand’s release would be ordered within a fortnight for a sum of $10,000.00. The repulsive deal was “killed” in the camp.
Arcand was the last member of the National Unity Party to be released, July 3rd, 1945. Fred Rose, M.P., two days later petitioned the Minister of Justice for hanging Arcand after due trial for being a traitor and a spy in the service of a German fifth column. Arcand and his friends also requested that their
7 The year is unclear, it looks as though a “4” was typed over by a “3”. “1953” or “1954” is a typographical error in Arcand’s manuscript. He was released on 3 July 1945, so the visit from his wife was more likely in 1943 or 1944. Jean Côté says an attempt was made on Arcand’s life by poisoning in the camp. Did his wife try to bring him home before or after the attempt? Another document in Jean Côté (1994) suggests that a Liberal minister initiated the $10,000.00 offer to release Arcand. See: “Gérard Pelletier fausse la vérité”. (This title is odd, however; it doesn’t seem to reflect the article’s contents.)
preliminary enquiry started in 1940 and postponed sine die be resumed so that they could be judged in regular courts. On October 1st, 1945, the Minister of Justice, the Hon. Mr. Saint-Laurent issued an official statement which was distributed to the press. The statement announced that the government would not carry on legal proceedings against Arcand and his friends on the following grounds:
- The charges, dating from 1940, might be found stale.
- If the accused were found guilty, the maximum sentence would be less than half the time they have been in captivity.
- The trials would probably not end in a way which certain people desire.
- “In the case of Mr. Arcand and his friends, I had an enquiry made by the Deputy Minister of Justice, Mr. J. P. F. Varcoe, and Mr. Gérald Fauteux, Crown Prosecutor. The report on that enquiry revealed that never did Mr. Arcand and his friends, directly or indirectly, in the least way possible, injure the war effort.8
The claimants then petitioned the Chief Justice of the Court of
8 The precise statement on Arcand was this, also reported by Pat Walsh in a letter in 1963: “There is no evidence that his activities or those of the party in fact did any injury or in the slightest degree prejudiced the successful prosecution of the war.” See page 590, Debates of the House of Commons, First Session—Twentieth Parliament, in years 9-10 George VI, 1945, Volume I, 1945, available at Canadiana.org. Adrien Arcand and his men were obviously “set up” for incarceration without grounds by 1) the Canadian Jewish Congress, 2) a Soviet spy sitting as a federal MP, Fred Rose(nberg) who two days after Arcand’s release on 3 July 1945, asked for him to be tried and “hanged” for “treason”, and 3) by the Liberals who, to this day, continue their unrelenting attack on the country for these same Red-Zionist interests. Eventually, Rose himself was tried and found guilty of treason, but he wasn’t executed as he had wanted the innocent Mr. Arcand to be.
the Sessions of the Peace to order the continuation of their preliminary enquiry postponed sine die against their opposition in 1940. In a written decision, the Chief Justice stated that the postponement sine die of the preliminary enquiry had had the effect of taking the cases off the roll, that the judge presiding in 1940 (Mr. De Serres) was dead, that there was nothing left over which to issue an order about, etc., etc.
The claimants requested the Governor General to grant them petitions of right for claiming damages for unjust and unjustified internment against the Canadian government in the court of the Exchequer. The petitions were granted.
In order to prepare their cases the claimants, through their solicitor, requested copies of certain documents in the possession of the Department of Justice, especially the R.C.M.P. Those documents are false reports, fabrications, malicious inventions, deceptive memoranda, etc., addressed to authorities of and in the Department of Justice, emanating from official Jewish sources, especially the public relations committee of the B’Nai B’Rith and Canadian Jewish Congress, which documents have been used to deceive the King and his Council, and have been effective in influencing them into prosecuting, smearing, defaming and keeping in prolonged captivity some of His Majesty’s loyal and faithful subjects. In the request of the claimants, Mr. Varcoe, the Deputy-Minister, wrote that such documents were confidential and privileged, and he could not issue copies of them.
A few days before the date set for the hearing of the claimants’ case in the Court of the Exchequer, the Deputy-Minister of Justice notified the claimants that he would raise a point of law before any hearing on facts. That point of law summed up to the axiom “The King can do no wrong”.
The claimants, in search of establishing truth and justice would
not fall into that political trap set under a judicial dressing, knowing that they had been willfully wronged by ministers who wronged the King in deceiving him—the whole of which can only be established by producing documents in a case of facts. They decided to await a change in government, since the culprit politicians would always manipulate the official power at their disposal for perpetuating the wrongs done to the claimants and prevent a true discharge of justice.
The Hon. George Drew, speaking in a public meeting in Pembroke, Ont., on the 9th of July 1953, stated about it all: “In the last war, men were thrown in concentration camps without any charge brought against them, and they were denied any resort to the courts of the country. After these men had been kept in captivity for long years, it was found out that they were innocent. And no compensation was offered them for the many wrongs done to them” (Canadian Press).
– – – – –
For all of the above, the Claimants respectfully petition the Minister of Justice to:
- See to it that, at long last, avenues of justice be open to them.
- Allow them to proceed on facts in their cases against the Canadian Government in the Court of the Exchequer.
- Allow them permission to obtain copies of all the deceptive documents against them and addressed to the authorities of the Department of Justice by Jewish agencies, such documents being not privileged unless the said agencies are sworn officials and members of the Department.
4. Allow not expediency to supersede the justice owed by the Sovereign to his loyal subjects as fundamental basis of order, a superseding which was committed and prolonged for years by the Liberal Party in office to the detriment of the claimants.
Adrien Arcand — born in Montreal. Age 58. Journalist.
In 1929, started weekly papers of his own and a youth political association which were to combat left liberalism, socialism and communism, both the papers and the movement, responding to a need, met with quick success.
In 1930, R. B. Bennett, then leader of the Conservative opposition, summoned Arcand to Ottawa to ascertain whether he could get his support in the coming federal election. Arcand agreed upon one only condition: that the government do really something to counteract the fast increasing red propaganda and organisation. Arcand teamed his efforts with those of J. H. Rainville, and the Bennett government came into office thanks to 24 seats won in Quebec.
In 1931, Bennett began to counter the Komintern action in Canada: application of Art. 98 Criminal Code, embargo on products from the USSR, etc. Once, after an interview in his office with Sen. Jos. Rainville and Senate Speaker P. E. Blondin, he told Arcand: you deal with the Jewish question as related to the origins, expansion and financing of socialism and communism, and you are right. Yet, you don’t know one hundredth of the evil they inflict upon our world. On that question, you will never go too far, go to the last limits. I have to rub elbows with them and I know quite a bit. I cannot raise that question in the House but if it ever be, the whole country will know where I stand and you will be satisfied. The anti-Red campaign continued with increasing vigor, corresponding with the increase of Red propaganda and agitation during those economically dark days. In 1932, Arcand’s printing plant was completely destroyed in a third attempt of sabotage and incendiary. Bennett helped equip another one through John C. Newman and Rainville.
In 1934, Arcand was asked by Bennett if he would take charge and begin preparing the Conservative propaganda for French Canada for the 1935 election. He agreed to it. Sir Robert Bor-den wrote of that work (Memoranda for organizers, speakers’ manuals, weekly bulletins addressed to partisans and advertisements): “In its whole history never has the Conservative party been equipped in Quebec with more thorough and enlightening presentation. The unfortunate result is to be found in other causes”.9 In Sept. 1934, Bennett hinted that, after the 1935 session, there might be changes in the Cabinet and he asked Arcand how he would react to the idea of being Minister of Labor and a candidate in Montreal-St. Mary’s. There ensued a long conversation. Arcand: “Communism, the ultimate conclusion of the Liberal idea, is out to conquer the world and will attract in its orbit the cooperation or at least the passive laisser-faire of all schools of reddism. The more Liberalism will go left, the more Conservatism will have to go right, for the only answer to internationalism is nationalism. I think my generation will have to face the final onslaught of both ideas in their extreme form. Out of Conservatism there must spring a more rightist group, just as Liberalism gave birth to Socialism, or else our Conserva-tives too much in earnest may flock leftwise. I think I would be more useful in such a movement which [I] intend to create out-right”. Bennett only said: “You may be right, who knows? The future is such a riddle”.10
9 The “unfortunate result” would seem to be that the Liberals lost the election. AAB
10 In The Universal Republic (1950), Arcand said: “But for the leaders in authority, the directors, the elites, there is no excuse for blindness, incomprehension and lack of vision. Since ‘to govern is to foresee’, their role and duty as rulers or leaders is to clearly foresee the inevitable consequences of the actions of men.” La République Universelle: “Mais pour les chefs en autorité, pour les dirigeants, les élites, il n’y a pas d’excuse à l’aveuglement, à l’incompréhension, au manque de vision. Puisque ‘gouverner c’est prévoir’, leur rôle et leur devoir de gouvernants ou de chefs est de prévoir clairement les conséquences inévitables des actes posés par les hommes”. AAB
After 1935, Arcand participated actively in all political campaigns, provincial and federal (except when interned), against the Reds of all shades, and considers it an honor to be held as a curse by them.
THE NATIONAL UNITY PARTY OF CANADA
In the Fall of 1934, a nationalist political association founded by Adrien Arcand and some of his friends was launched in Montreal under the name of Parti National Social Chrétien. It was intended to deal only with federal politics and to combat in all circumstances Liberalism & its offshoots Socialism and Communism in the Province of Quebec.
Up to 1938, similar groups cropped up in other Canadian provinces, as a reaction to Communist propaganda, the sitting strikes and violence of the mid thirties and the Spanish Civil War.
Those various groups got in touch with one another and, after long negotiations, decided to try and merge into a national organisation.
A convention was called and delegates from eight provinces met for the formation of committees to prepare resolutions in Toronto. Empowered delegates declared the eight provincial separate parties dissolved and founded a new national organization called the National Unity Party of Canada, with a torch as its emblem and the word “Serviam” as its motto. A program was adopted, rules were drafted, and Adrien Arcand, the only name suggested by all delegations for leadership, was chosen unanimously. As predecided by the delegates, all documents were signed by chief delegates in Kingston, Ont., for historical reasons, on July 1st 1938.
The National Unity Party operated as a school of thought from its inception until September 2, 1939 when its activities and publications were suspended.
On January 31st, 1930, in “The Editorial Corner,” under the title “The Strength of an Idea”, Adrien Arcand announced (translation): “A healthy and vigorous idea, well directed and well launched, can accomplish more than all the combinations and all the capital in the world; like the drop of water that always strikes the same place, with the same fore, it can pierce the hardest rock, overcoming the most tenacious opposition. With this in mind, with a well set goal, I decided one day to launch the “Goglu”, with no other capital than my humble wooden pen, but supported and aided by the ideal printer, a devout patriot, a brilliant organizer, the complement and necessary adjunct …”.
On May 30th, 1930, illustrating the effectiveness of Arcand’s Le Goglu, the following headline appears on the front page of Le Goglu:
“The Clique Set the Fire”
There were sub-headings and a conclusion (translation): “They set a second fire in our workshops, causing heavy damage.” “A real petty attack” “Five employees, surprised by the sudden flames, were hard-pressed to save their lives.”
WE WILL BEAT THEM NONETHELESS.
By “Clique,” Arcand means the Liberals. The triumphant lead story continues and we now see precisely why these Liberals might have had “political revenge” in mind while interning Arcand and his men in 1940:
“The people of this province were plunged into keen distress last week, when the news spread like a lit fuse to the four corners of the country: “The Goglu is on fire!” Telegrams, phone calls and letters arrived by thousands from almost every county asking if the people’s newspaper, which has never yet been gagged, would publish nonetheless.
As our readers have noted, and once again will note this week, the Goglu is the most stalwart bird and always emerges unscathed from traps that are set for it, from attacks waged against it. Likewise, the valiant “Miroir” and the funny little “Chameau” have published and will publish again, to the greatest bewilderment and definitive downfall of the Clique.
After a meticulous and carefully conducted investigation, we can say that, as with the first fire set in our workshops nine months ago, the one last week was an act of violent-tempered vengeance by the Clique. From our first week of publication, we have been in a running battle against the most violent attacks by the Clique which sensed in us, from the start, the force which would break it into a thousand pieces like fragile porcelain, in spite of its extraordinary power. There were threats, lawsuits, financial combinations, offers, seamy proposals, ultimatums, disguised attacks, a first fire, the considerable fire of last Tuesday, then even worse threats. But we always emerged unscathed, more courageous and determined to achieve our duty until the end. Each time, adversity strengthened our energy and our convictions, each new misfortune redoubled our ardor, for we will never cease believing that good faith, honesty, frankness, justice and patriotism will always triumph over perfidy, crookedness, lies, intimidation and treason. The necessity of our cause is enough to sustain us and we will give all that a man can give of himself to arrive at our triple objective: the purification of our political practices dirtied by the Clique, the economic restoration of the country, betrayed in every way by the Clique, and the dominance of the French-Canadian on the soil of his fathers.
The fire last Tuesday night, according to our investigation, was lit deliberately by someone who was instructed to do so. A flammable liquid, apparently benzol, supplied by a paid bandit for the Clique, was used to spread the flames. The arsonist, who knew the place, chose the area most favorable to his criminal work: the bindery department, where huge masses of paper were stacked. In the twinkling of an eye, the immense room became an inferno, where 42,000 copies of the “Chameau” and 35,000 copies of the “Goglu” were consumed that had been printed in advance, and considerable works consisting of luxury editions, hundreds of copies of books, in short over $9,000 in printed matter alone, not counting precious, unique collections. Superb pieces of machinery were distorted, causing huge losses. Traveling to the upper floor, the flames and smoke continued their ravages in considerable proportions.
It took only a few seconds to incur these fatal losses, because five of our employees were busy with their presses whose noise prevented them from hearing the criminal enter. They were suddenly surprised by the flames and barely had time to escape by a staircase which then went up in a raging fire. Fortunately for all, and especially for the treacherous Clique, they all escaped without any injury. A charming little dog, named Goglu, spent the night in the burnt-out room, hosed by the water jets, and was found the next morning, to general stupefaction and joy, alive and well. It can hardly be understood except as a symbol of the fact that anything called Goglu will withstand the worst attacks.
But the Clique will be back, we are warned. It will always arrive with the same treacherousness, “by a back door”, secretly, at night. The blows will be hard, we know, it will take everything a man can deploy of courage to resist, but we will resist. We know how far the Clique can go in terms of crookedness and crime, but that doesn’t frighten us. We know the Clique has Jewry, the underworld, banditry, and dirty money at its disposal; we also know how far its offshoots go, and it will one day be the most astonishing surprise for our readers to learn how some unsuspected people are in the ranks of the Clique, worshippers of the Golden Calf.
Our readers can count, as in the past, on our incorruptible loyalty, and if we are not always quite so funny or energetic, they will understand that physical fatigue can momentarily make itself felt by so many worries and assaults.
CARTOON CAPTION: (Translation:) “Seen here in his true colors is he in whom Canada put its confidence and who for nine years has passed laws and tariffs only to benefit the USA, while imposing here American fruits, vegetables and industries, even killing our alcohol industry in deference to American prohibition; imposing on Canada the principle of American divorce courts, bleeding dry our metallurgical, textile and agricultural industries to encourage those of the United States, where he took his training at Chicago and Harvard Universities, where he served the interests of billionaires against the working class. He has passed laws in favor of the United States, New Zealand, Australia and the Empire, but not a single one in favor of Canada. Again, the Canadians want to chase out this damaging American who has brought us unemployment, ruin and misery in order to answer the comforting cry of the great patriot, Bennett: ‘Canada first!’.” Plaques on the wall: Rockefeller Institute; New Zealand. Source: Front page of LE GOGLU, July 25th, 1930.